^ 

THE    PEOPLE'S 


PRESIDENTIAL  CANDIDATE  ; 


THE    LIFE 


WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON, 


OF 


OHIO. 


BOSTON : 
WEEKS,   JORDAN    AND    COMPANY. 

1839. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1839, 

BY  WEEKS,  JORDAN  &  Co. 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts.- 


I.  II.  JJutLs....Prinfter....2SchpoliSt....Bosion. 


ADVERTISEMENT 


THE  materials  for  the  following  "  Life  " 
have  been  chiefly  derived  from  a  work  pub 
lished  in  Cincinnati  in  1824,  entitled  "  A 
historical  narrative  of  the  civil  and  military 
services  of  Major  General  William  H.  Har 
rison,  and  a  vindication  of  his  character  and 
conduct  as  a  statesman,  a  citizen,  and  a  sol 
dier  ;  with  a  detail  of  his  negotiations  and 
wars  with  the  Indians  until  the  final  over 
throw  of  the  celebrated  chief  Tecumthe,  and 
his  brother  the  Prophet.  The  whole  written 
and  compiled  from  original  and  authentic 
documents  furnished  by  many  of  the  most  re- 
1* 


6 

spectable  characters  in  the  United  States  ;  by 
Moses  Dawson."  This  is  a  thick  octavo  of 
nearly  five  hundred  closely  printed  pages,  con 
taining  many  state  papers,  letters,  and  pub 
lic  documents,  and  furnishing  a  great  mass  of 
facts,  but  very  ill  arranged,  and  running  fre 
quently  into  a  tedious  and  confused  minute 
ness.  This  book  has  long  since  been  out  of 
print,  and  to  the  general  reader  it  could  never 
have  been  a  very  inviting  performance. 

Considerable  use  has  also  been  made  of  a 
"  Memoir  of  the  public  services  of  William 
Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  by  James  Hall ;" 
published  at  Philadelphia  in  1836.  That 
work  seems  to  have  been  hastily  compiled  ; 
its  arrangement  is  very  defective  ;  the  main 
narrative  is  too  much  overlaid  by  unimpor 
tant  details,  and  it  fails  to  leave  any  clear 
and  distinct  impression  on  the  reader's  mind. 
The  reflections  with  which  it  is  interspersed, 
are  too  trite  and  declamatory,  and  the  rules 
of  good  taste  are  not  always  observed. 


The  present  narrative  presents  a  brief  and 
comprehensive,  and  it  is  hoped  a  clear  and 
correct  view  of  the  wars  and  negotiations  on 
our  Northwestern  frontier,  from  the  adoption 
of  the  federal  constitution  till  the  close  of 
the  last  war,  by  which  event  the  power  of 
the  Indian  tribes  in  that  region  was  so  broken 
as  to  leave  them  no  longer  a  formidable  ene 
my.  This  is  a  part  of  our  history  full  of  in 
terest,  though  little  known.  These  events 
are  essentially  connected  with,  and  form  in 
deed  a  principal  part  of  the  life  of  General 
Harrison. 

Brought  forward  as  that  gentleman  has 
been,  as  a  prominent  candidate  for  the  presi 
dential  chair,  by  supporters  not  less  respecta 
ble  for  their  numbers  than  entitled  to  atten 
tion  for  their  patriotism,  sound  judgment,  and 
knowledge  of  popular  sentiment,  some  curios 
ity  must  naturally  be  felt  to  know  the  history 
of  his  political  services.  His  retirement  from 


8 

public  life  for  several  years  previous  to  his 
nomination  as  a  presidential  candidate,  has 
thrown  that  history  into  the  back  ground, — 
and  it  is  only  by  some  such  memoir  as  the 
present,  that  it  can  be  brought  forward  again 
to  the  public  recollection. 

In  the  compilation  of  this  little  work,  the 
author  has  not  aimed  at  a  panegyric,  but 
simply  at  a  clear  and  candid  statement  of 
facts  ;  a  statement  however,  it  may  be  ob 
served,  which  seems  to  prove  that  General 
Harrison  possesses  feelings,  principles,  and 
traits  of  character  such  as  qualify  him  in  a 
peculiar  manner  to  fill  with  honor  to  himself 
and  advantage  to  the  country,  the  high  sta 
tion  for  which  he  has  been  nominated. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

Harrison's  birth,  parentage  and  education  —  He  is  com- 
missioned  as  an  ensign  in  the  United  States  Army  — 
State  of  things  on  the  Northwestern  frontier  —  St. 
Cl air's  defeat  —  Harrison  is  promoted  to  a  Lieutenancy 

Is  appointed  aid  to  General  Wayne  —  Operations  of 

Wayne's  Army  —  Harrison  is  appointed  to  the  com 
mand  of  fort  Washington— His  marriage.     ...     13 

CHAPTER    II. 

Harrison  resigns  his  commission  in  the  Army  —  Is  ap 
pointed  Secretary  of  the  Northwestern  Territory  — Is 
chosen  delegate  to  Congress  —  His  Land  Bill  —  Is  ap 
pointed  Governor  of  the  Indiana  Territory — His  juris 
diction  and  powers — Indian  relations — Harrison's  prin 
ciples  and  method  of  Administration 37 


10 

CHAPTER    III. 

Tecumthe  and  the  Prophet  —  The  Prophet's  interview 
with  Harrison  —  Treaty  effort  Wayne  —  Dissatisfaction 
of  Tecumthe  and  the  Prophet — Tecumthe's  visit  to 
Vincennes  —  Extraet  from  a  message  of  Governor 
Harrison  to  the  Legislature  of  Indiana 55 

CHAPTER    IV. 

Prosecution  for  Slander  —  Aggressions  of  the  Prophet  — 
March  to  Tippecanoe — Battle  of  Tippecanoe.  .  .  88 

CHAPTER    V. 

War  with  Great  Britain — Circumstances  which  led  to  the 
appointment  of  Harrison  to  the  command  of  the  North 
western  Army — Extent  of  his  authority — Difficulties  to 
be  encountered — Harrison's  influence  with  the  Militia — 
Anecdotes— Plan  of  the  Campaign — Obstacles  in  the 
way — Harrison  recommends  the  construction  of  a  fleet 
on  lake  Erie— Battle  of  the  river  Raisin — End  of  the 
Campaign — Expedition  against  the  Indians.  .  .  110 

CHAPTER    VI. 

Second  campaign  of  the  Northwestern  Army  —  Siege  and 
defence  effort  Meigs  —  Second  siege  of  fort  Meigs  — 
Siege  effort  Stevenson  — Perry's  victory  —  Embarka 
tion  of  the  Army  —  Battle  of  the  Thames  —  End  of  the 
campaign  —  Harrison  resigns  his  commission.  .  147 


11 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Harrison  appointed  a  commissioner  to  treat  with  the 
Indians — Is  elected  to  Congress — He  demands  an  in 
vestigation  of  his  conduct  as  commander  of  the  North 
western  army — His  militia  bill — Pensions — General 
Jackson  and  the  Seminole  War — He  is  elected  to  the 
Senate  of  Ohio — Is  chosen  a  Senator  of  the  United 
States — Is  appointed  Minister  to  Colombia — His  letter 
to  Bolivar 171 

CHAPTER     VIII. 

Employments  of  General  Hairison  since  his  recall  from 
Colombia  —  His  person  and  character  —  His  letter  to 
Harmar  Denny 194 


LIFE 


WILLIAM  HENRY   HARRISON. 


CHAPTER    I. 

Harrison's  Birth,  Parentage  and  Education.  —  He  is  com 
missioned  as  an  Ensign  in  the  United  States'  Army. 
State  of  things  on  the  Northwestern  Frontier.  —  St. 
Glair's  defeat.—-  Harrison  is  promoted  to  a  Lieutenan 
cy. —  Is  appointed  aid  to  General  Wayne.  —  Opera 
tions  of  Wayne's  Army. —  Harrison  is  appointed  to  the 
command  of  Fort  Washington.  —  His  Marriage.. 

WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON  was  born  on 
the  ninth  day  of  February,  1773,  in  the  coun 
ty  of  Charles  City,  in  Virginia,  at  a  place 
called  Berkley  on  the  banks  of  the  James 
River,  some  twenty-five  miles  below  Rich 
mond.  He  was  the  third  and  youngest  son  of 
Benjamin  Harrison,  a  distinguished  citizen  of 
1 


14 

Virginia  lineally  descended  from  that  Gene 
ral  Harrison,  who  made  so  conspicuous  a 
figure  in  the  English  civil  wars,  and  who  held 
a  high  cornmaad  in  the  armies  of  the  Com 
monwealth. 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON,  was  one  of  the  rep 
resentatives  of  the  "  Old  Dominion,"  in  the 
Continental  Congress,  during  the  years  1774, 
1775,  and  1776.  He  was  the  brother-in-law 
of  Peyton  Randolph,  the  first  president  of 
Congress ;  and  on  the  death  of  that  distin 
guished  patriot,  it  was  the  desire  of  many  of  the 
southern  members  that  Mr.  Harrison  should 
succeed  his  brother-in-law,  as  the  presiding  offi 
cer  over  that  body.  But  he  was  well  aware  of  the 
existence  of  strong  sectional  feelings  and  preju 
dices  both  in  Congress  and  the  country  at  large. 
He  was  sensible  of  the  danger  of  irritating 
those  prejudices,  and  was  desirous  of  improv 
ing  the  opportunity  now  afforded  to  conciliate 
the  northern  members,  and  to  secure  their 
confidence.  Accordingly  he  used  all  his  in 
fluence  on  behalf  of  John  Hancock  of  Massa 
chusetts,  and  succeeded  in  procuring  for  him 
a  unanimous  vote. 

Mr.  Harrison  was  Chairman  of  the  Com- 


15 

mittee  of  the  whole  House,  when  the  Declar 
ation  of  Independence  was  finally  agreed  to; 
and  his  signature  is  annexed  to  that  cele 
brated  document.  In  the  year  1777,  having 
been  elected  to  the  House  of  Delegates  of  the 
state  of  Virginia,  he  was  chosen  Speaker  of 
that  body,  which  office  he  continued  to  fill  till 
1782,  when  he  was  elected  Governor  of  the 
State.  All  these  important  trusts  he  dis 
charged  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  his  fellow 
citizens. 

Benjamin  Harrison  did  not  accumulate  a 
fortune  in  the  public  service.  On  the  con 
trary  he  expended  his  own  private  means,  and 
left  his  children  little  other  inheritance  except 
his  example,  and  the  friendship  of  many  of  his 
distinguished  fellow-patriots.  At  the  death  of 
his  father,  William  Henry  Harrison  was  un 
der  age.  Robert  Morris,  the  celebrated 
financier,  at  his  father's  request,  had  con 
sented  to  act  as  his  guardian.  He  had  de 
termined  to  follow  the  profession  of  medicine, 
and  was  diligently  pursuing  his  studies, 
with  that  object,  at  Hampden  Sidney  college, 
when  the  ravages  committed  by  the  Indians 
on  our  northwestern  frontier,  and  the  oppor- 


16 

tunity  afforded  of  serving  his  country  in  that 
dangerous  quarter,  induced  him  to  adopt  the 
idea  of  joining  the  army  under  General  St. 
Clair,  which  had  been  raised  for  the  purpose 
of  bringing  the  Indians  to  terms.  His  reso 
lution  with  respect  to  this  matter^  was  strong 
ly  opposed  by  his  guardian.  But  it  was  ap 
proved  by  General  Washington,  then  president 
of  the  United  States,  who  had  been  the  inti 
mate  friend  of  his  father,  and  who  gave  him  a 
commission  of  ensign  in  the  first  regiment  of 
United  States  artillery,  then  stationed  at  Fort 
Washington  on  the  Ohio,  near  the  present 
site  of  the  city  of  Cincinnati.  Thus,  at  the 
early  age  of  nineteen,  William  Henry  Harri 
son  became  intimately  associated  with  the 
fortunes  of  the  Northwestern  Territory,  and 
entered  upon  a  long  career  of  public  service, 
in  that  quarter  of  the  country.  Before  we 
follow  him  thither  it  will  be  well  to  take  a 
general  view  of  the  state  of  affairs  at  that 
time  upon  the  northwestern  border. 

During  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  Great 
Britain  succeeded  in  persuading  almost  all 
the  Indian  tribes  along  the  whole  frontier,  to 
raise  the  tomahawk  against  the  people  of  the 


17 

United  States.  Shortly  after  the  close  of  that 
war,  several  of  these  tribes  were  induced  to 
enter  into  treaties  of  peace.  But  the  Indians 
northwest  of  the  Ohio,  still  retained  all  their 
former  hostility  ;  and  continued  to  carry  on  a 
murderous  and  desolating  war,  directed  chief 
ly  against  the  western  border  of  Pennsylva 
nia,  and  the  few  scattered  settlements  which 
had  been  formed  within  the  Northwestern 
Territory. 

The  principal  among  these  tribes,  were  the 
Miamies,  whose  various  bands  occupied,  or 
claimed,  an  immense  extent  of  territory,  in 
cluding  all  that  part  of  Ohio,  west  of  the  Scioto, 
all  of  Indiana,  and  a  large  portion  of  Illi 
nois.  Of  this  immense  territory  however,  the 
greater  part  was  entirely  destitute  of  inhabit* 
ants.  The  various  bands  or  tribes,  into  which 
the  Miamies  were  sub-divided,  possessed  nu 
merous  villages  on  the  Scioto,  and  about  the 
head  waters  of  the  Great  and  the  Little  Mia 
mi.  There  were  also  many  villages,  upon 
the  Maurnee,  and  its  tributaries,  and  along 
the  course  of  the  Wabash,  as  low  down  as 
Vincennes.  But  the  whole  country,  for  a 
great  extent,  bordering  on  the  river  Ohio, 
1* 


18 

was  entirely  destitute  of  inhabitants,  and  was 
used  merely  as  a  hunting  ground. 

Next  to  the  Miamies,  may  be  ranked  the 
Hurons  or  Wyandots,  who  occupied  the 
southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  including  all  that 
territory  now  known  as  the  Connecticut  Re 
serve  ;  a  small  tribe,  but  enjoying  a  high  re 
putation  among  the  northwestern  Indians,  on 
account  of  the  desperate  valor  of  its  war 
riors. 

In  addition  to  these  two  tribes,  there  were 
also  within  the  present  limits  of  Ohio,  and 
engaged  in  this  war  against  the  United  States, 
the  Delawares,  or  Leni  Lenapes  who  had 
gradually  retreated  before  the  white  man, 
from  their  original  seats  on  the  banks  of  the 
river  Delaware ;  and  the  Shawnees,  who, 
about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
had  fled  or  emigrated  from  Georgia  or  Florida 

—  driven  out  probably  by  some  stronger  tribe, 

—  and  had  sought  an  asylum  north    of  the 
Ohio. 

Besides  the  four  tribes  above  enumerated, 
the  Chippewas,  Ottowas,  and  Potowatomies, 
who  occupied  the  peninsula  of  Michigan, 
also  took  a  part  in  the  hostilities  carried  on 


19 

against  the  United  States ;  and  these  seven 
tribes  united  were  able  to  bring  into  the  field 
a  very  formidable  force. 

It  was  generally  believed,  at  that  time,  and 
no  doubt  it  was  the  fact,  that  the  hostility  of 
these  tribes  against  the  United  States  was 
stimulated,  and  that  ammunition,  arms,  and 
other  means  of  carrying  on  the  war  were  sup 
plied  to  them  by  the  British  authorities  in 
Canada,  through  the  commandants  of  the 
forts  at  Detroit,  Chicago,  Mackinac,  and  other 
posts  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States, 
which  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  treaty 
of  peace,  ought  long  since  to  have  been  sur 
rendered,  but  which  were  still  kept  posses 
sion  of  by  the  British  troops. 

The  pretence  or  apology,  for  keeping  pos 
session  of  these  posts,  was  founded  upon  the 
allegation,  that  the  United  States,  or  rather 
the  individual  States  of  the  union,  had  neg 
lected  to  perform  that  part  of  the  treaty,  which 
guaranteed  the  removal  of  all  legal  obstacles 
in  the  way  of  collecting  debts  due  to  British 
subjects  which  had  been  contracted  previous 
to  the  war  ;  and  as  the  whole  value  of  these 
posts  consisted  in  the  influence  which  the 


20 

possessors  of  them  were  able  to  exert  over  the 
neighboring  Indians,  there  is  little  doubt  that 
the  British  government,  by  way  of  enforc 
ing  their  demands  on  the  subject  of  British 
debts,  used  every  means  in  their  power,  to 
make  the  people  of  the  United  States  feel  the 
necessity  of  obtaining  their  surrender. 

The  hostilities  of  these  northwestern  tribes, 
whether  stimulated  by  the  British,  or  origin 
ating  in  their  own  love  of  war,  became  at 
length  so  annoying,  that  very  soon  after  the 
re-organization  of  the  government  by  the 
adoption  of  the  federal  constitution,  the  presi 
dent  resolved  upon  vigorous  measures.  In 
the  year  1790,  General  Harmer  at  the  head 
of  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  partly  regulars, 
but  principally  militia,  was  sent  against  the 
northwestern  Indians.  He  inarched  into  the 
interior  of  what  is  now  the  state  of  Ohio,  arid 
succeeded  in  destroying  most  of  the  Indian 
towns  on  the  Scioto.  But  in  two  engage 
ments  between  bodies  of  the  Indians,  and  de 
tachments  of  Harmer's  troops,  the  Americans 
were  defeated  with  considerable  Joss.  Har 
mer  found  it  necessary  to  retreat ;  and  in  a 
short  time,  the  incursions  and  depredations  of 


21 

the  Indians  along  the  frontier,  became  as 
troublesome  as  ever. 

This  unfortunate  state  of  affairs  was  brought 
before  Congress  at  its  next  session,  and  an 
act  was  passed  increasing  the  regular  army, 
and  enabling  the  President  to  raise  two  thou 
sand  men,  under  the  denomination  of  levies, 
to  serve  against  the  Indians  for  six  months. 
It  was  resolved  to  prosecute  the  war  witk 
vigor,  and  General  St.  Clair,  at  that  time 
governor  of  the  Northwestern  Territory,  was 
appointed  Commander-in-chief. 

The  enlistment,  however,  and  other  pre 
parations  for  the  campaign  went  on  but  slow 
ly;  and  the  beginning  of  September  had  ar 
rived  before  St.  Clair  was  able  to  commence 
his  march  into  the  Indian  country,,  He  ad 
vanced  cautiously,  opening  a  road,  and  build 
ing  forts  at  convenient  distances.  In  this 
way  he  had  arrived  within  about  fifteen  miles 
of  the  Miami  villages  near  the  head  waters  of 
the  Wabash,  when  on  the  4th  of  November, 
1791,  about  half  an  hour  before  sun-rise,  he 
was  suddenly  attacked  in  his  camp  by  a  large 
body  of  Indians.  The  assailants  pressed  for 
ward  with  great  rapidity.  Firing  from  the 


22 

ground,  or  the  shelter  afforded  by  the  trees, 
and  scarcely  seen,  except  when  springing 
from  one  covert  to  another,  they  advanc 
ed  in  front  and  upon  both  flanks,  close  upon 
the  American  lines,  and  up  to  the  very 
mouths  of  the  field-pieces.  The  militia  who 
were  posted  in  front  were  soon  broken,  and 
falling  back  upon  the  regular  troops,  threw 
them  also  into  disorder.  The  officers,  most 
of  whom  had  seen  service,  exerted  themselves 
to  rally  and  re-form  the  men,  and  they  par 
tially  succeeded.  The  Indians  were  twice 
driven  back  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet ;  but 
while  they  were  pressed  in  one  direction, 
their  fire  was  poured  in  from  every  other  with 
fatal  effect ;  and  the  whole  army  was  soon 
thrown  into  confusion.  A  most  disorderly 
retreat  ensued.  The  Indians  followed  the 
flying  troops  for  four  miles,  and  then  returned 
to  plunder  the  camp.  The  army  suffered 
most  severely.  Out  of  fourteen  hundred  men 
engaged,  five  hundred  and  thirty  were  killed 
arid  three  hundred  arid  sixty  wounded.  This 
battle  was  planned  and  commanded,  on  the 
part  of  the  Indians  by  Meshecunnaqua,  the 
Little  Turtle,  a  celebrated  Miami  warrior, 


23 

and  Buckongehelas,  head  chief  of  the  Dele- 
wares. 

Young  Harrison,  as  soon  as  he  had  re 
ceived  his  commission  of  Ensign,  hastened  to 
join  his  regiment  at  Fort  Washington,  where 
he  arrived  shortly  after  the  defeat  of  St.  Glair's 
army.  That  defeat  had  been  wholly  unex 
pected,  and  produced  the  greatest  consterna 
tion  throughout  the  whole  country.  The  de 
fence  of  the  frontier  against  the  Indians, 
flushed  with  victory,  and  now  more  audacious 
than  ever,  devolved  on  a  little  handful  of 
men.  Winter  was  setting  in  ;  and  the  hard 
ships  to  be  anticipated  by  those  stationed  in 
these  distant  posts  were  so  great,  that  Harri 
son,  young,  slender,  and  apparently  of  a  feeble 
constitution,  was  advised  by  his  companions 
to  resign  his  commission,  and  so  escape  a  ser 
vice  for  which  his  organization,  and  early 
habits  seemed  to  render  him  unfit.  This  ad 
vice  was  at  once  rejected;  and  the  energy 
boldness  and  capacity  of  the  young  officer, 
were  soon  put  to  the  test.  The  first  duty 
confided  to  him,  was  the  command  of  an  es 
cort  having  charge  of  a  train  of  pack  horses, 
bound  to  Fort  Hamilton  on  the  great  Miami 


some  twenty  or  thirty  miles  north  of  Fort 
Washington.  This  duty  was  difficult  and 
perilous,  requiring  great  exposure,  constant 
watchfulness,  and  more  prudence  and  saga 
city  than  is  ordinarily  to  be  expected  from  a 
youth  of  nineteen.  However,  the  service  was 
successfully  performed,  and  in  so  able  a  man 
ner,  as  to  attract  the  attention,  and  elicit  the 
applause  of  General  St.  Glair,  the  comman- 
der-in-chief. 

At  this  time  the  vice  of  intemperance  pre 
vailed  to  a  great  extent  among  the  officers  of 
the  army.  The  extreme  hardships  of  the  ser 
vice,  and  their  removal  from  all  the  comforts 
as  well  as  the  restraints  of  civilized  life  and 
domestic  intercourse,  led  many  promising 
officers  to  indulge  in  excesses,  which  proved 
ruinous  to  their  character,  and  destructive  to 
their  health.  Young  Harrison  had  the  good 
sense  to  see  and  avoid  these  dangers  ;  and  he 
now  laid  the  foundation  of  those  habits  of 
temperance  which  have  ever  since  adhered  to 
him,  enabling  him  to  support  the  extreme  fa 
tigues  of  border  warfare  :  and  giving  him  a 
degree  of  health  and  vigor  which  few  men  of 
his  age  enjoy. 


25 

In  1792,  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
lieutenant ;  and  in  1793,  he  joined  the  new 
army  under  the  command  of  General  Wayne, 
which  had  been  raised  for  the  purpose  of 
prosecuting  the  war  against  the  Indians. 
This  war  had  now  grown  into  importance. 
The  defeat  of  St.  Clair  had  produced  a  great 
sensation  ;  and  it  had  become  highly  neces 
sary  that  some  decisive  steps  should  be  taken 
for  bringing  it  to  a  close.  For  this  purpose 
General  Washington  had  selected  Wayne  as 
St.  Glair's  successor,  —  an  officer,  who  by 
his  impetuous  valor,  had  acquired  during  the 
revolutionary  war,  the  title  of  Mad  Anthony  ; 
but  whose  discretion  and  sagacity  were  equal 
to  his  courage. 

In  May  1792,  General  Wayne  having  been 
furnished  with  instructions,  in  which  it  was 
emphatically  declared  "that  another  defeat 
would  be  inexpressibly  ruinous  to  the  reputa 
tion  of  the  government,"  proceeded  to  Pitts- 
burg  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  his  army. 
By  the  laws  which  Congress  had  enacted  on 
this  occasion)  an  entirely  new  arragernent  was 
to  be  made.  The  army  was  to  consist  of  one 
Major  General,  four  Brigadier  Generals,  and 
2 


26 

their  respective  staffs,  the  commissioned  offi* 
cers,  and  five  thousand  one  hundred  and 
twenty  non-commissioned  officers  and  pri 
vates,  the  whole  to  be  called  the  "  Legion  of 
the  United  States."  St.  Glair's  army  having 
been  almost  wholly  destroyed,  the  Legion 
which  never  reached  more  than  half  the 
number  of  which  it  was  intented  to  consist, 
had  to  be  recruited  almost  wholly  anew  ;  after 
which  the  men  were  to  be  disciplined  and  in 
structed  in  their  duty.  This  required  time; 
and  it  was  the  28th  of  November,  before 
Wayne  was  able  to  move  from  Pittsburg.  He 
descended  the  Ohio  only  about  twenty-two 
miles,  whero  he  encamped  for  the  winter. 
Being  within  striking  distance  of  the  enemy, 
the  greatest  watchfulness  was  necessary  to 
keep  the  army  in  a  condition  for  action  and 
great  efforts  were  required  to  teach  the  troops 
self-reliance  arid  to  prepare  them  to  face  the 
foe.  This  position,  which  was  called  Legion- 
ville,  was  strongly  fortified  and  every  precau 
tion  was  taken  to  guard  against  surprise. 

In  April,  1793,  General  Wayne  broke  np 
his  encampment  at  Legionville,  and  conveyed 
his  army  in  boats  to  Fort  Washington,  a  post 


27 

which  occupied,  as  we  have  already  mentioned, 
the  present  site  of  the  city  of  Cincinnati.  Here 
Lieutenant  Harrison  joined  the  Legion.  His 
spirit,  enterprise,  and  sagacity,  soon  attracted 
the  attention  of  General  Wayne,  who  appoint 
ed  him  one  of  his  aids-de-camp,  in  which 
laborious  and  difficult  post  he  served  through 
out  the  war.  The  army  of  Wayne  remained 
the  whole  summer  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort 
Washington,  waiting  for  supplies  and  rein 
forcements,  and  preparing  for  the  ensuing 
campaign.  In  the  month  of  October  General 
Wayne  took  up  a  position  about  eighty 
miles  from  fort  Washington,  on  the  western 
branch  of  the  Miami,  and  near  the  head  wa 
ters  of  that  stream.  This  position  was  strong 
ly  fortified  arid  called  Greenville  ;  and  here  the 
army  encamped  for  the  winter. 

On  the  23d  of  December,  eight  companies 
of  infantry  and  a  body  of  artillery  were  de 
tached  to  take  possession  of  the  ground  upon 
which  St.  Ciair  had  been  defeated.  The 
bones  of  the  slain  were  collected,  and  interred 
with  military  honors;  and  a  strong  post  called 
Fort  Recovery,  was  erected  on  the  battle 
ground.  In  the  general  order  issued  by  the 


28 

Commander-in-chief,  Lieutenant  Harrison  is 
mentioned,  as  particularly  entitled  to  com 
mendation  for  his  "  voluntary  aid  and  servi 
ces"  on  this  occasion. 

The  next  summer  Fort  Recovery  was 
warmly  attacked  by  a  large  body  of  Indians. 
Though  repulsed  several  times,  they  still 
renewed  the  assault,  till  finally  they  were 
obliged  to  retreat  with  great  loss.  About  the 
middle  of  July,  1794,  having  been  joined  by 
a  body  of  mounted  militia  from  Kentucky, 
General  Wayne  pushed  on  seventy  miles  in 
advance  of  Greenville  and  established  himselt 
at  Grand  Glaise,  in  the  very  heart  of  the  In 
dian  territory*  The  British  had  lately  erect 
ed  a  fort  in  this  vicinity,  probably  with  the 
design  of  encouraging  and  supporting  the  In 
dians  ;  —  for  the  difficulties  and  disputes  be 
tween  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 
had  now  reached  such  a  point,  that  a  war  be 
tween  the  two  countries  seemed  inevitable. 
In  his  despatches  to  the  Secretary  of  War, 
General  Wayne  speaks  of  the  country  which 
he  had  now  occupied,  as  the  "  grand  empori 
um  of  the  hostile  Indians."  "  The  very  ex 
tensive  and  highly  cultivated  fields  and  gar- 


29 

dens,  show,"  he  observes,  "  the  work  of  many 
hands.  The  margins  of  those  beautiful  rivers, 
the  Miami  of  the  lake,*  and  the  An  Glaise, 
appear  like  one  continued  village  for  a  num 
ber  of  miles  above  and  below  this  place  ;  nor 
have  I  ever  before  seen  such  immense  fields 
of  corn  in  any  part  of  America,  from  Canada 
to  Florida." 

Having  erected  a  strong  work,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  Fort  Defiance,  at  the  con 
fluence  of  the  Maumee  and  the  An  Glaise, 
the  two  rivers  above  described  ;  and  being 
now  prepared  to  strike  a  final  blow,  —  agree 
ably  to  his  instructions,  by  which  he  was 
strictly  directed  to  settle  the  difficulties  with 
the  Indians  by  negotiation  if  possible,  —  he 
made  the  enemy  a  proposal  of  terms. 

This  proposal  was  rejected,  notwithstanding 
the  advice  of  that  celebrated  warrior  the  Little 
Turtle,  who  had  commanded  at  St.  Clair's 
defeat,  arid  who  recommended  its  acceptance. 
"  We  have  beaten  the  enemy  twice,"  he  said, 
"  under  separate  commanders.  We  cannot 
expect  the  same  good  fortune  always.  The 
long  knives  are  now  led  by  a  chief  who  never 

*  Now  more  generally  known  as  the  Maumee. 

2* 


30 

sleeps.  The  night  and  the  day  are  alike  to  him. 
During  all  the  time  that  he  has  been  march 
ing  on  our  villages,  notwithstanding  the 
watchfulness  of  our  young  men,  we  have  nev 
er  been  able  to  surprise  him.  Think  well  of 
it.  There  is  something  whispers  me  it  would 
be  prudent  to  listen  to  his  offers  of  peace." 
This  speech  was  delivered  in  a  council  of  the 
Indians  held  the  night  before  that  battle,  in 
which  their  forces  were  completely  routed. 

By  this  time  the  army  had  advanced  into 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  rapids  of  the 
Maumee,  near  which  was  the  newly  erected 
British  fort,  and  where  the  main  body  of  the 
Indian  forces  was  assembled.  On  the  morn 
ing  of  the  20th  of  August,  General  Wayne 
continued  his  march  down  the  river,  uncer 
tain  whether  the  Indians  would  decide  for 
peace  or  war.  After  proceeding  about  five 
miles,  the  advanced  corps  received  so  severe 
a  fire  from  the  Indians  secreted  in  the  woods 
and  grass,  as  to  compel  them  to  retreat.  The 
legion  was  immediately  formed  in  two  lines, 
the  right  resting  on  the  river,  and  the  left 
extending  into  a  thick  and  close  forest  which 
formed  the  principal  part  of  the  battle  field. 


31 

For  a  considerable  distance  in  front,  the 
ground  was  covered  with  fallen  timber  uproot 
ed  probably  in  some  tornado,  amid  which  it  was 
impossible  for  cavalry  to  act,  and  which  af 
forded  the  enemy  a  most  favorable  covert. 
The  Indians  were  formed  in  three  lines  with 
in  supporting  distance  of  each  other,  and  ex 
tending  nearly  two  mile's  at  right  angles  with 
the  river. 

The  mounted  volunteers  under  General 
Scott,  were  ordered  to  make  a  circuit  and  to 
gain  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy ;  while  the 
troops  of  the  first  line,  who  were  formed  in 
open  order,  were  commanded  to  advance  with 
trailed  arms,  rouse  the  Indians  from  their 
coverts  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  as 
soon  as  they  began  to  retreat,  to  pour  in  a 
close  fire  upon  their  backs,  and  to  follow  up 
with  a  brisk  charge,  so  as  to  give  them  no 
opportunity  of  re-loading  their  rifles. 

This  idea  of  charging  the  Indians,  and  so 
bringing  them  at  once  to  close  quarters,  was 
wholly  new  and  original,  with  General  Wayne. 
It  proved  entirely  successful ;  and  has  now 
become  the  established  method  of  Indian 
warfare.  The  first  line  of  the  Legion  ad- 


vanced  with  such  rapidity,  driving  the  enemy 
before  them,  that  the  other  corps  of  the  army 
had  little  opportunity  to  take  a  part  in  the  en 
gagement.  In  the  course  of  one  hour  the 
Indians  were  driven  more  than  two  miles 
through  the  thick  woods  above  described. 
The  Indians  engaged  were  thought  to  exceed 
two  thousand;  while  the  infantry  of  the  first 
line,  fell  short  of  nine  hundred.  The  enemy 
soon  abandoned  themselves  to  flight,  and  dis 
persed  in  every  direction,  and  the  contest  ter 
minated  under  the  guns  of  the  British  fort. 
In  his  official  account  of  the  battle,  General 
Wayne  mentions  with  honor,  his  ''faithful  and 
gallant  aid-de-camp,  Lieutenant  Harrison 
as  having  rendered  the  most  essential  service 
by  communicating  orders  in  every  direction, 
and  by  his  cosduct  and  bravery,  exciting  the 
troops  to  press  for  victory." 

The  army  remained  for  three  days  on  the 
banks  of  the  Maumee  near  the  field  of  battle, 
during  which  time  the  houses  and  corn-fields, 
for  a  considerable  distance  above  and  below 
the  British  fort  were  wasted  and  burnt — among 
the  rest,  the  houses,  stores  and  other  proper 
ty  of  Colonel  M'Kee,  the  British  Indian  agent, 


33 

who  was  regarded  as  the  principal  stimulator 
of  the  war.  Of  all  this  destruction  inflicted 
on  their  friends,  the  British  garrison  were 
obliged  to  remain  tacit  spectators.  The 
troops  afterwards  returned  by  easy  marches  to 
Grand  Glaise,  laying  waste  the  villages  and 
cornfields  of  the  Indians  in  every  direc 
tion. 

The  spirit  of  the  Indians  was  broken  by 
the  decisive  victory  obtained  over  them  by 
General  Wayne,  and  by  the  severe  losses 
which  they  had  suffered  in  consequence.  The 
conduct  also  of  the  commander  of  the  British 
fort,  in  declining  to  take  any  open  part  in 
their  behalf,  had  disgusted  many  of  the  prin 
cipal  warriors.  The  celebrated  chiefs,  Little 
Turtle,  and  Buckongehelas,  thenceforward 
renounced  the  British  connection,  and  be 
came  the  advocates  of  peace  with  the  United 
States.  On  the  first  of  January,  1795,  the 
Indians  commenced  a  negotiation  with  Gene 
ral  Wayne  ;  and  the  news  of  his  victory  which 
reached  London  in  November,  is  said  to  have 
had  considerable  effect  in  inducing  the  Brit 
ish  government  to  accede  to  the  propositions 
of  Mr.  Jay,  who  was  then  employed  in  nego- 


34 

tiating  the  celebrated  treaty  which  bears  his 
name, —  among  other  provisions  of  which 
was  included  the  surrender  of  the  Western 
posts.  The  negotiation  with  the  Indians  was 
considerably  protracted,  but  in  August,  1795, 
a  treaty  of  peace  was  finally  concluded  at 
Greenville,  by  which  the  United  States  obtain 
ed  the  cession  of  considerable  tracts  of  land, 
and  secured  quiet  and  security  to  the  border 
settlements. 

These  events  have  been  related  with  the 
more  particularity,  in  order  that  the  reader 
may  have  an  opportunity  to  compare  the  con 
duct  of  General  Harrison  when  subsequently 
acting  as  commander-in-chief,  in  the  same 
regions,  with  that  of  those  celebrated  officers 
under  whom  he  had  previously  served  in  a 
subaltern  capacity.  Such  a  comparison  can 
didly  made,  will  place  the  conduct  and  ser 
vices  of  General  Harrison  in  a  strong  point  of 
view. 

Shortly  after  the  close  of  the  campaign, 
Lieutenant  Harrison  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  captain,  and  was  placed  in  command  of 
Fort  Washington,  under  circumstances,  which 
show  the  confidence  reposed  by  General 


35 

Wayne,  in  his  talents  and  discretion.  At 
this  period,  certain  agents  of  the  French  gov 
ernment  were  zealously  employed  in  Ken 
tucky  in  attempting  to  got  up  an  invasion  of 
Louisiana;  and  thus  to  embroil  the  United 
States  with  Spain,  and  force  it  into  an  alliance 
with  France.  This  project  was  very  alluring 
to  the  Kentuckians,  who  had  long  entertain 
ed  the  most  violent  hostility  towards  the  Span 
iards,  on  account  of  their  refusing  to  the 
United  States  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mis 
sissippi.  The  government  at  Washington 
felt  great  apprehensions,  lest  the  Kentuckians 
might  be  inveigled  into  some  acts  of  hostility 
against  the  Spanish  government.  General 
Wayne  was  instructed  with  the  management 
of  this  affair;  and  among  other  precautions, 
he  placed  Captain  Harrison  in  command  of 
Fort  Washington,  with  extensive  discretion 
ary  powers  to  be  used  as  circumstances  might 
require.  Among  other  things,  he  was  in 
structed  to  keep  General  Wayne  advised  of 
all  movements,  and  to  prevent  the  passage 
down  the  river  of  boats  laden  with  military 
stores,  belonging  to  the  French  agents. 
At  this  time  the  posts  at  the  Northwest, 


36 

which  had  been  so  long  held  back  by  the 
British,  were  at  length  surrendered  to  the 
United  Slates,  under  Jay's  treaty.  The 
troops  intended  to  occupy  these  posts,  together 
with  their  provisions  and  warlike  stores,  were 
sent  to  Fort  Washington,  thence  to  be  for 
warded  through  the  wilderness.  Captain  Har 
rison,  was  charged  with  this  whole  service, 
which  he  discharged  with  a  prudence,  abil 
ity  and  intelligence,  which  justified  the  high 
trust  reposed  in  him  by  the  Commander-in- 
chief. 

While  in  command  of  Fort  Washington^ 
Captain  Harrison  married  a  daughter  of  John 
Cleves  Symmes,  the  celebrated  founder  of  the 
Miami  settlements,  and  of  the  city  of  Ohio, 
a  lady  in  whom  he  has  ever  found  a  faithful 
and  affectionate  companion. 


37 


CHAPTER    II. 

Harrison  resigns  his  commission  in  the  Army.  —  Is  ap 
pointed  Secretary  of  the  Northwestern  Territory.  — 
Is  chosen  Delegate  to  Congress.  —  His  land  bill.  —  Is 
appointed  Governor  of  the  Indiana  Territory. —  His 
jurisdiction  and  powers.  —  Indian  relations.  —  Harri 
son's  principles  and  method  of  Administration. 

ON  the  death  of  General  Wayne,  in  1797, 
Captain  Harrison  resigned  his  commission  in 
the  Army,  and  received  his  first  civil  appoint 
ment,  that  of  Secretary  of  the  Northwestern 
Territory,  and  ex-officio,  Lieutenant  Governor. 
General  St.  Clair  still  remained  Governor  of 
the  Territory. 

Mr.  Harrison's  conduct  as  Secretary  was  so 
much  approved,  and  so  favorable  was  the  im 
pression  made  upon  his  fellow-citizens  by  his 
character  and  manners,  that  the  next  year, 
when  the  Northwestern  Territory  entered 
the  second  grade  of  government,  (according 
to  the  system  which  then  prevailed,)  arid  the 
inhabitants  became  entitled  to  elect  a  Delegate 
to  Congress,  he  was  chosen  to  fill  that  office. 
What  recommended  him  in  particular  to 
3 


38 

the  choice  of  his  fellow-citizens  upon  this  oc 
casion,  was  the  stand  he  had  taken,  and  the 
exertions  he  had  made,  against  the  system  of 
disposing  of  the  public  lands  which  then  pre 
vailed  ;  —  a  system  highly  detrimental  to  the 
interest  of  the  new  settlers,  and  which  retard 
ed  the  population,  and  checked  the  prosperity 
of  the  Territory.  By  the  law  as  it  then  stood, 
the  public  lands  could  not  be  purchased  in 
tracts  of  less  than  four  thousand  acres  ;  and  as 
the  minimum  price  was,  at  that  time,  two  dol 
lars  per  acre,  it  was  utterly  beyond  the  means 
of  the  vast  majority  of  the  new  settlers  to  be 
come  possessors  of  land  by  an  original  pur 
chase  from  the  government.  They  were 
driven  to  the  necessity  of  buying  at  second 
hand,  arid  at  great  disadvantage. 

The  injustice  and  impolicy  of  this  exclusive 
system  had  struck  Mr.  Harrison  very  forci* 
bly.  His  daily  observation  satisfied  him  that 
it  was  adverse  to  the  interests  both  of  the 
government  and  the  settlers  ;  and  the  stand 
he  had  taken  upon  this  subject  pointed  him 
out  to  his  fellow-citizens  as  a  proper  person 
to  represent  them  on  the  floor  of  Congress, 
and  to  bring  this  question,  in  which  they  were 


39 


so  deeply  interested,  to  the  notice  of  the  Na 
tional  Legislature. 

Nor  did  he  disappoint  these  hopes  and  ex 
pectations  of  his  constituents.  Soon  after  he 
had  taken  his  seat,  he  offered  a  resolution  for 
the  appointment  of  a  committee  with  instruc 
tions  to  inquire  into  and  report,  on  the  exist 
ing  mode  of  selling  the  public  lands.  He  was 
himself  appointed  the  chairman  of  this  com 
mittee,  the  only  instance,  it  is  believed,  in 
which  that  honor  has  been  conferred  upon  a 
Territorial  Delegate. 

The  Committee,  in  due  time,  made  a  re 
port,  accompanied  by  a  bill,  providing  that 
the  public  lands  should  be  sold  thereafter  in 
alternate  half  and  quarter  sections  ;  that  is,  in 
alternate  tracts  of  320  and  160  acres.  This 
report,  in  the  preparation  of  which  Mr.  Harri 
son  had  been  aided  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  after 
wards  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  produced  a 
powerful  sensation,  and  when  the  report  came 
up  for  consideration,  led  to  a  warm  debate. 
The  reasonableness,  justice,  propriety,  and 
good  sense,  of  the  modification  proposed  by 
Mr.  Harrison,  is  now  so  obvious  that  it  will 
be  acknowledged  by  all ;  yet  at  that  time  it 


40 

was  most  violently  opposed  by  many  able  men 
and  leading  politicians.  The  report  was 
zealously  attacked  by  Cooper  of  New  York, 
and  Lee  of  Virginia ;  but  it  was  ably  defended 
by  Mr.  Harrison,  who  exhibited  in  his  speech 
a  perfect  acquaintance  with  the  whole  subject. 
He  fully  exposed  the  folly  and  injustice  of  the 
old  system,  and  demonstrated  that  it  could 
benefit  nobody  except  the  wealthy  monopolist, 
or  the  adventurous  land-speculator;  while  the 
great  mass  of  the  people  by  whom  the  country 
was  to  be  settled,  would  be  driven  by  this  law 
to  the  necessity  of  purchasing  at  an  advanced 
price,  and  at  second  hand  ;  or  what  was  more 
probable  and  more  to  be  dreaded,  would  be 
reduced  to  the  condition  of  a  dependant  ten 
antry  to  a  few  wealthy  proprietors,  instead  of 
being  themselves  free-holders  of  the  soil. 

Mr.  Harrison's  eloquence  and  argument 
prevailed  ;  and  the  bill  was  carried  triumph 
antly  through  the  House.  But  in  the  Senate, 
where  the  spirit  of  opposition  to  all  popular 
ameliorations  of  the  law,  is  always  most  pow 
erful,  a  very  strong  opposition  was  made  to  it ; 
and  finally  a  committee  of  conference  upon 
the  subject  was  mutually  appointed  by  the 


41 

House  and  Senate.  The  conferrees  on  the 
part  of  the  House,  were  Messrs.  Gallatiri  and 
Harrison  ;  on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  Messrs. 
Ross  and  Brown.  The  conference  finally  re 
sulted  in  a  compromise,  according  to  which 
the  public  lands  were  to  be  thereafter  sold  in 
alternate  whole  and  half  sections  ;  that  is,  in 
alternate  tracts  of  640  and  320  acres.  This, 
though  far  from  being  all  that  Mr.  Harrison 
and  his  constituents  could  have  desired,  was 
a  very  great  improvement  upon  the  old  sys 
tem  ;  and  as  about  this  time  the  tide  of  emi 
gration  began  to  flow  pretty  rapidly  upon 
Ohio,  the  influence  of  this  law  upon  the  char 
acter  and  fortunes  of  her  inhabitants  must 
have  been  very  great.  At  the  same  time  with 
the  principal  modification  above  described, 
several  other  minor,  but  important  changes, 
were  introduced  into  the  land  laws  through 
the  exertions  of  the  delegate  from  the  North 
western  Territory. 

Another  important  bill  was  subsequently 
introduced  into  the  House  by  Mr.  Harrison, 
providing  for  an  improvement  in  the  method 
of  locating  military  land  warrants,  the  mode 
then  in  operation  being  very  objectionable  in 
3* 


42 

several  particulars.  This  bill  also  became  a 
law. 

At  this  session  a  bill  was  passed  for  divid 
ing  the  Northwestern  Territory.  By  this 
division,  what  is  now  the  State  of  Ohio  was 
made  a  Territory  by  itself,  and  the  remainder 
of  the  Northwestern  Territory  received  the 
name  of  INDIANA,  and  was  erected  into  a 
separate  government.  Mr.  Harrison  served 
in  Congress  but  one  year,  having  been  ap 
pointed,  at  the  end  of  the  session,  Governor  of 
the  Indiana  Territory. 

This  vast  tract  of  country,  including  what 
now  constitutes  the  states  of  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Michigan  and  the  territory  of  Wisconsin,  con 
tained  at  that  time  but  three  principal  white 
settlements,  separated  from  each  other  by  ex 
tensive  intervening  forests.  The  first  of  these 
settlements,  known  as  Clark's  grant,  was  at 
the  falls  of  the  Ohio,  nearly  opposite  Louis 
ville,  where  is  now  the  flourishing  town  of 
New  Albany.  The  second  was  atVincennes, 
on  the  Wabash,  distant  from  the  first  more 
than  a  hundred  miles.  The  third  was  the 
French  settlement  along  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi,  in  the  tract  now  known  as  the 


43 

American  Bottom,  extending  from  Cahokia, 
nearly  opposite  St.  Louis,  some  thirty  or  forty 
miles  down  the  Mississippi  toKaskaskia*  This 
settlement  was  distant  two  hundred  miles  from 
Vincennes. 

The  country  to  the  north  of  these  settle 
ments  was  in  the  possession  of  the  Indian 
tribes  above  described,  among  whom  the 
Miamies  were  the  most  powerful  ;  and  the 
intervening  tracts  served  as  a  sort  of  common 
hunting  ground  to  the  Indians  and  the  whites. 

The  only  roads  between  the  distant  settle 
ments  were  narrow  beaten  paths,  without  fer 
ries  or  bridges.  There  were  of  course  no 
houses  of  entertainment ;  but  here  and  there, 
along  the  road,  some  settler  erected  a  sta 
tion,  consisting  of  a  log  house,  surrounded  by 
palisades.  These  stations  afforded  a  resting 
place  and  asylum  to  travellers  through  the 
wilderness. 

The  seat  of  government  was  Vincennes,  a 
small  village  beautifully  and  advantageously 
situated  on  the  Wabash.  This  town  was  orio^ 

o 

inally  built  by  the  French,  and  the  greater  part 
of  its  inhabitants  were  of  French  origin.  They 
were  sufficiently  well  disposed  to  respect  the 


44 

new  authority  placed  over  them,   but  were 
entirely  ignorant  of  the  language  and  the  laws 
of  the  United  States,  preferring  those  simple 
institutions  under  which  they  had  long  lived. 
The  population  of  the  new  Territory  was 
very  small  ;  and  the  form  of  government  es 
tablished  over  it  by  the  act  of  Congress  regu 
lating  the  Territory,  was  what  was  then  called 
the  first  grade  of  Territorial   government ;   a 
system  under  which  very  extensive  authority 
was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  governor.    The 
governor,  with  the  assistance  of  the  judges, 
had  the  power  of  adopting  and  publishing  such 
laws  of  the  original  states,  civil  and  criminal, 
as  might  be  necessary  and  best  suited  to  the 
circumstances  of  the  Territory.     He  had  the 
appointment  of  all  magistrates  and  other  civil 
officers,  and  all  militia  officers  below  the  rank 
of  general.     He  also  possessed  the  sole  power 
of  dividing  the  Territory  into   counties   and 
townships.     Besides  this  the  governor  was  the 
agent  and  representative  of  the  general  gov 
ernment,  and  kept  up  a  voluminous  correspon 
dence   with  the    cabinet  at  Washington,  in 
reference  to  the  affairs  of  the  Territory. 
Another  power  of  a  very  delicate  character 


45 

was  confided  to  the  governor  of  Indiana  ;  that 
namely  of  confirming  grants  of  land  to  indi 
viduals  having  certain  equitable  claims.  This 
power,  so  great,  and  so  liable  to  be  abused, 
was  entrusted  to  the  governor  alone,  without 
any  check  or  limitation.  No  other  officer  was 
required  to  approve,  to  countersign,  or  even  to 
record  these  grants.  The  application  was 
made  directly  to  the  governor,  and  his  sole 
signature  vested  a  title.  No  formality  or  pub 
licity  was  required  ;  and  whatever  secret  col 
lusion  there  might  have  been  between  the 
claimant  and  the  governor,  the  title  would 
still  have  been  unquestionable  before  any  legal 
tribunal. 

Such,  however,  was  Governor  Harrison's 
prudence,  his  scrupulous  attention  to  the  pub 
lic  interest,  and  his  nice  regard  for  his  own 
honor,  that  none  ever  questioned  or  suspected 
his  honest  and  just  discharge  of  this  delicate 
trust.  Many  men,  under  like  circumstances, 
would  have  amassed  splendid  fortunes,  by 
availing  themselves  of  the  facilities  for  specu 
lation  thus  afforded  ;  but  neither  at  this  or  at 
any  other  time  did  Governor  Harrison,  either 
directly  or  indirectly,  make  any  use  for  his  own 


46 

advantage  of  any  knowledge  of  land  titles, 
gained  in  his  official  capacity ;  nor  has  he  ever 
owned  a  single  acre  of  land,  held  under  a 
title  emanating  from  himself  as  the  agent  and 
representative  of  the  general  government. 

The  governor  of  Indiana  was  ex-ojficio  su 
perintendent  of  Indian  affairs,  in  addition  to 
which  he  was  appointed  sole  commissioner  for 
treating  with  the  Indians,  —  an  appointment 
which  carried  with  it  a  vast  deal  of  trouble 
and  labor.  Soon  after  entering  upon  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  Indiana  Territory,  Governor 
Harrison  opened  a  communication  with  the 
Indian  tribes,  and  was  visited  by  most  of  the 
principal  chiefs  in  the  vicinity  of  Vincennes. 
The  Indians  made  very  heavy  complaints  of 
the  conduct  of  the  whites.  They  alleged  that 
their  people  had  been  killed,  their  lands  set 
tled  upon,  their  game  destroyed,  their  young 
men  made  drunk,  and  then  cheated  of  their 
furs,  upon  which  they  depended  to  procure 
blankets,  ammunition,  and  other  necessaries. 

The  governor  was  well  satisfied  that  the 
greater  part  of  these  allegations  were  true. 
The  Kentucky  settlers  on  the  Ohio  were  in 
the  constant  habit  of  coming  over  into  the 


47 

Indian  territory,  and  destroying  the  game; 
and  numerous  murders,  some  of  them  of  a 
very  aggravated  character,  had  been  perpe 
trated  on  the  Indians.  By  the  treaty  of  Green 
ville,  murderers  were  to  be  delivered  up,  or 
punished,  on  both  sides.  This  part  of  the 
treaty,  the  Indians  had  faithfully  performed. 
In  the  case  of  several  atrocious  murders  com 
mitted  by  the  whites,  the  governor  made 
every  possible  exertion  to  bring  the  culprits  to 
justice  ;  but  without  success.  They  were 
either  acquitted  by  the  juries  in  the  face  of  the 
plainest  proofs,  or  else  rescued  from  prison 
and  enabled  to  escape.  The  frontier  settlers, 
in  fact,  considered  the  Indians  to  be  as  fair 
game  as  the  wild  animals  of  the  forest.  They 
did  not  regard  the  murder  of  an  Indian  as  a 
crime.  "  All  these  injuries,"  says  Governor 
Harrison  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War, 
under  date  of  th6  15th  of  July,  1801,  "  the 
Indians  have  hitherto  borne  with  astonishing 
patience.  But  though  they  discover  no  dis 
position  to  make  war  upon  the  United  States 
at  present,  I  am  confident  that  most  of  the 
tribes  would  eagerly  seize  any  favorable  op 
portunity  for  that  purpose.  And  should  the 


48 

United  States  be  at  war  with  any  of  the  Euro 
pean  nations,  who  are  known  to  the  Indians, 
there  would  probably  be  a  combination  of 
more  than  nine-tenths  of  the  northern  tribes 
against  us,  unless  some  means  are  made  use 
of  to  conciliate  them."  The  war  with  Great 
Britain  fully  verified  all  these  anticipations. 

The  governor  was  constantly  engaged  in 
attempts  to  put  the  affairs  with  the  Indians  on 
a  better  footing ;  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  then 
President  of  the  United  States,  procured  the 
passage  by  Congress  of  several  laws  designed 
to  secure  the  rights  and  better  the  condition 
of  the  Indians.  The  sale  of  whiskey  was  pro 
hibited  ;  and  trading  houses  were  established 
among  them,  by  the  government,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  supplying  them  with  goods  at  cost, 
and  protecting  them  against  the  frauds  of  the 
traders.  Efforts  were  also  made  to  induce 
them  to  apply  themselves  to  the  cultivation  of 
the  land.  But  all  these  philanthropic  at 
tempts  were  counteracted  and  defeated  by  the 
arts  and  intrigues  of  interested  persons,  who 
stirred  up  the  prejudices  of  the  Indians  against 
things  solely  intended  for  their  benefit ;  and 
who,  while  they  lived  by  the  plunder  of  these 


49 

unhappy  savages,  had  the  cunning  to  assume 
the  character  of  their  best  friends.  The 
British  and  the  American  traders  alike  com. 
bined  to  poison  the  minds  of  the  Indians 
against  the  government ;  and  the  reckless  in 
sults  and  abuse  heaped  upon  them  by  the 
American  settlers,  afforded  great  color  to  the 
suggestions  of  the  traders,  that  the  pretended 
philanthropy  of  the  American  government, 
was  merely  a  hypocritical  disguise,  under 
which  was  concealed  the  most  hostile  inten 
tions  and  diabolical  designs. 

In  the  year  1804,  the  governor  succeeded 
in  negociating  a  treaty  with  the  Sacs  and 
Foxes,  tribes  which  had  not  been  included  in 
the  treaty  of  Greenville.  By  this  treaty,  in 
addition  to  the  peaceful  relations  established 
with  these  tribes,  there  was  obtained  the  ces 
sion  of  an  extensive  and  valuable  tract  of  coun 
try,  stretching  along  the  Mississippi,  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Illinois,  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Wisconsin,  including  the  whole  region  between 
the  river  Illinois  and  the  Mississippi,  with  a 
northern  boundary,  extending  from  the  head 
of  Fox  river  to  a  point  on  the  Wisconsin^- 
thirty-six  miles  above  its  mouth.  This  was 
4 


50 

the  largest  tract  of  land  which    had   ever  yet 
been  ceded  by  the  Indians  in  one  body. 

Some  considerable  cessions  of  land  were 
also  obtained  from  the  Delawares  and  Pianki- 
shaws,  by  which  a  communication  was  opened 
between  the  different  settlements  of  the  Terri 
tory.  All  that  tract  between  the  Ohio  and 
the  Wabash,  as  far  north  as  the  road  from 
Louisville  to  Vineennes,  was  obtained  by  one 
treaty,  and  by  a  subsequent  treaty,  the  Pian- 
kishaws  ceded  a  tract  extending  from  Vin 
eennes  westward  to  the  settlements  on  the 
Mississippi.  This  tribe,  which  had  been 
originally  a  branch  of  the  Miamies,  was  now 
very  much  reduced  in  numbers,  and  the 
lands  ceded,  by  the  destruction  of  the  game, 
had  ceased  to  be  of  any  use  to  them.  For 
these  cessions  the  Indians  were  compensated 
by  certain  annuities  secured  to  them,  most  of 
which  still  continue  to  be  paid. 

Shortly  after  the  purchase  of  Louisiana, 
that  country  was  annexed  to  the  government 
of  the  Indiana  Territory,  and  so  continued 
for  some  time.  This  annexation  gave  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  Governor  Harrison  a  vast  ex 
tent,  and  increased  the  laborious  duties  of 
his  station. 


51 

In  1805,  the  Territory  of  Indiana  was 
raised  to  the  second  rank  of  Territorial  gov 
ernment,  being  allowed  a  Territorial  House  of 
Assembly,  elected  by  the  citzens,  and  a  Dele 
gate  to  congress.  To  complete  the  Territo 
rial  Legislature,  a  Legislative  Council  of  five 
members  was  added,  to  be  appointed  by  the 
president  out  of  twice  that  number  nomina 
ted  by  the  Territorial  Assembly.  Although 
the  power  of  the  governor  was  considerably 
abridged  by  this  change,  yet  always  partial 
to  the  rights  of  the  people,  he  had  exerted 
himself  to  bring  it  about,  by  which  he  gained 
the  ill  will  of  several  leading  citizens  of 
the  Territory,  who  regarded  the  probable  in 
crease  of  expense  and  taxes  as  a  decisive 
argument  against  the  change. 

The  address  of  the  governor  at  the  first 
meeting  of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  is  a 
document  interesting  in  itself,  and  an  excel 
lent  specimen  of  that  superior  clearness  and 
fluency  of  style  in  which  all  the  state  papers 
of  General  Harrison  are  written.  We  regret 
that  our  limits  do  riot  enable  us  to  lay  it  before 
the  reader. 

The   reply   of   the   Territorial    Assembly 


52 

clearly  shows  the  high  estimation  in  which 
the  governor  was  held;  and  is  one  among 
many  proofs  of  that  remarkable  popularity 
with  which  his  administration  was  always  at 
tended.  In  this  respect  we  may  observe  a 
striking  difference  between  General  Harrison 
and  most  of  our  other  Territorial  governors. 
The  powers  vested  in  these  governors,  espe 
cially  according  to  the  system  which  prevailed 
in  Governor  Harrison's  time,  are  so  extensive, 
and  their  authority  is  so  nearly  absolute,  that 
in  general,  they  have  found  it  next  to  impos 
sible  to  preserve  any  degree  of  popularity. 
The  settlers,  generally  from  the  older  states, 
where  they  have  been  accustomed  to  a  partici 
pation  in  political  affairs,  are  apt  to  grow  im 
patient  at  being  governed  by  a  man  in  whose 
appointment  they  have  no  agency ;  and 
though  a  governor  may  give  no  just  cause 
of  complaint,  a  jealousy  of  his  intentions,  and 
a  repugnance  to  his  authority,  will  naturally 
spring  up,  unless  the  greatest  caution  and 
good  judgment  on  his  part  be  used  to  prevent 
it.  The  conduct  of  General  Harrison  seems 
never  to  have  excited  any  such  hostile  feel 
ings  in  the  hearts  of  those  over  whom  he  ex- 


53 

crcised   the   functions   of  government.      He 
appears  to  have   possessed    an  unusual   fac 
ulty  of  conciliating,  not  only  the  respect,  but 
the  warm  affections  of  those  placed  under  his 
authority.     This  was   owing  not  more  to  the 
sauvity  of  his  manners,  and  the  evident  good 
ness  of  his   heart,  than   to  the    disinterested 
ness,  the  moderation,    and  the    wisdom   with 
which  he  exercised  the  extensive  powers  en 
trusted  to   him.     In    the    appointment   of  al 
public  officers,  the  judges   only  excepted,   he 
appealed  to  the  people  ;  and  uniformly  select 
ed  those  who  appeared  to  enjoy  the  confidence 
of  their  fellow-citizens.     He   acted  upon  this 
principle   even    to    the   sacrifice    of    private 
friendship  and  political  feeling — having  more 
than   once    appointed  to   office  persons   who 
were  opposed  to  him   in   sentiment,  both  with 
regard  to  men  and  to  measures.     He  also  re 
fused  to  accept  any  of  those  fees,  whether  a 
governor  or  superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs, 
which  before   his  time  had  been   customarily 
paid.     The  patronage  of  his  office  was  thus 
rendered  worthless,  and  its   emoluments  were 
much  diminished ;  but   he  secured   what  he 
4* 


54 

esteemed  of  more  value — the  confidence  and 
affections  of  the  people  ! 

The  method  which  Governor  Harrison  pur 
sued  in  keeping  his  accounts  with  the  gen 
eral  government  was  as  simple  as  it  was 
correct ;  and  in  some  particulars  might  be 
advantagiously  imitated  by  the  disbursing 
officers  of  the  present  day.  He  never  kept 
on  hand  any  amount  of  public  money.  When 
money  was  to  be  paid  on  the  public  account, 
he  gave  the  person  entitled  to  payment  a 
draft  on  the  War  Department.  A  copy  of 
the  draft,  and  a  receipt  for  the  payment  made> 
were  always  forwarded  to  WashingtoR  in  the 
same  letter.  These  drafts  on  the  War  De 
partment  were  always  in  demand,  and  were 
readily  cashed  by  persons  having  remittances 
to  make  to  the  eastern  cities.  In  this  way 
the  department  was  saved  the  risk  and  ex 
pense  of  transmitting  money  to  the  West ; 
all  long  and  complicated  accounts,  whether 
with  the  government,  or  with  individuals, 
were  avoided  ;  as  well  as  all  the  temptations 
and  embarrassments  attendant  upon  the  re 
ceipts  and  disbursment  of  large  sums  of  pub 
lic  money. 


55 


CHAPTER    III. 

Tecumthe  and  the  Prophet  — The  Prophet's  interview 
with  Harrison  —  Treaty  of  Fort  Wayne  —  Dissatisfac 
tion  of  Tecumthe  and  the  Prophet  —  Tecumthe's  visit 
to  Vincennes  —  Extract  from  a  message  of  Governor 
Harrison  to  the  Legislature  of  Indiana  —  Prosecution 
for  slander  —  Aggressions  of  the  Prophet  —  March  to 
Tippecanoe  —  Battle  of  Tippecanoe. 

DURING  the  year  1806,  some  very  remarka 
ble  influences  began  to  develope  themselves 
among  the  Indian  tribes  Northwest  of  the 
Ohio ;  by  which  all  the  plans  of  the  General 
Government  for  civilizing  and  conciliating 
those  tribes,  were  disturbed  and  broken  up ; 
and  by  means  of  which  the  Indians  were 
eventually  involved  in  a  war  with  the  United 
States,  which  resulted  in  the  ruin  of  many 
tribes,  and  their  final  expulsion  from  their 
homes  and  hunting  grounds. 

Two  twin  brothers  of  the  Shawnese  tribe  : 
Tecumthe,  The  Crouching  Panther  and  Ol- 
tiwachica,  The  Open  Door,  or  as  others  inter 
pret  it,  The  Loud  Voice,  better  known  as 
the  Prophet,  seem  to  have  formed  a  plan  for 


56 

a  general  union  of  all  the  Indian  tribes,  for 
the  purpose  of  preventing  any  further  en 
croachments  by  the  whites,  and  for  recovering 
a  portion  of  the  lands  already  lost.  These 
two  brothers,  possessed  between  them,  all  the 
qualities  and  accomplishments  necessary  to 
give  them  an  influence  with  the  race  to  which 
they  belonged.  Tecurnthe  was  a  celebrated 
warrior ;  but  not  less  distinguished  in  the  coun 
cil  than  in  the  field.  He  was  a  daring,  sega- 
cious,  active,  unscrupulous  man,  who  stopped 
at  nothing  in  the  accomplishment  of  his  pur 
poses;  but  who  preferred  tact,  management, 
and  negociation  to  force.  He  was  inspired 
with  a  high  enthusiasm ;  and  with  a  deep  ha 
tred  toward  the  whites,  imbibed  probably  with 
his  mother's  milk. 

The  Prophet  is  said  not  to  have  been  a 
warrior  ;  but  he  was  an  orator  more  accom 
plished  and  persuasive,  even,  than  his  brother; 
and  what  was  of  far  greater  importance  to 
wards  the  accomplishment  of  their  mutual 
object,  he  was  a  medicine  man,  or  magician  of 
the  highest  pretensions,  holding  constant  in 
tercourse  with  the  Great  Spirit,  and  claiming 
a  vast  and  miraculous  power  over  the  opera 
tions  of  nature. 


57 

Ignorance  and  superstition  are  always  twin 
sisters ;  and  accordingly  we  find  that  all  sav 
age  nations  are  at  once  the  slaves  and  the 
dupes  of  the  most  extravagant  credulity,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  most  impudent  impos 
tures  on  the  other.  Having  made  but  few 
observations  upon  that  regular  and  uninterrup 
ted  course,  in  which  the  operations  of  nature 
proceed,  they  are  constantly  ready  to  ascribe 
to  accidental,  supernatural  influences,  that 
which  takes  place  according  to  fixed  and  reg 
ular  laws ;  arid  with  that  self-conceit  and 
self-importance  which  is  so  conspicuously  dis 
played  in  almost  all  systems  of  human  opin 
ion  and  belief,  they  readily  adopt  the  idea, 
that  some  favored  individuals  may  not  only 
obtain  a  certain  extraordinary  power  over  the 
operations  of  nature,  but  may  even  establish 
a  sort  of  influence  and  control  over  those 
very  supernatural  beings,  who  are  the  great 
objects  of  their  reverence  and  awe. 

These  wild  opinions  exercise  a  powerful 
influence  even  among  the  most  sagacious  of 
the  savage  warriors,  —  a  circumstance  at 
which  we  cannot  be  much  surprised  when  we 
consider  the  extent  to  which  similar  supersti- 


58 


tions  prevail  even  among  the  most  civilized 
nations.  This  credulity  is  taken  advantage 
of  by  a  set  of  persons  among  the  Indian 
tribes  called  medicine  men,  who  are  in  gene 
ral,  to  a  considerable  extent,  the  dupes  of 
their  own  impostures,  though  they  do  not 
scruple,  when  occasion  presents  itself,  to  prac 
tice  the  most  barefaced  deceptions  upon 
others  who  are  still  greater  dupes  than  them 
selves. 

Such  was  Olliwachica,  the  Prophet ;  — 
though  the  pretensions  which  he  set  up  were 
far  more  lofty  than  those  advanced  by  the 
generality  of  his  profession.  He  announced 
himself  as  having  been  specially  sent  by  the 
Great  Spirit  to  reform  the  manners  of  the  red 
people,  and  to  revive  all  those  old  customs 
which  had  been  discontinued  by  the  too  com 
mon  and  frequent  intercourse  of  the  Indians 
with  the  whites.  All  the  innovations  in 
dress  arid  manners  which  had  thus  been  bor 
rowed,  were  to  be  abolished  :  and  they  were 
promised  the  return  of  all  the  happiness  and 
prosperity  which  their  forefathers  enjoyed, 
and  of  which  they  had  heard  their  old  men  so 
often  speak,  provided  they  would  implicitly 


59 

obey  the  will,  and  follow  the  advice  of  the 
prophet.  He  pretended  to  foretell  future 
events  ;  declared  that  he  was  invulnerable  to 
the  arms  or  shot  of  his  enemies,  and  promised 
the  same  inviolability  to  those  of  his  followers 
who  would  devote  themselves  entirely  to  his 
service. 

By  these  lofty  pretensions  the  prophet  soon 
succeeded  in  securing  the  reverence,  and  ad 
miration  of  many,  not  only  in  his  own,  but  in 
several  of  the  neighboring  tribes  ;  and  he  pre 
sently  established  himself  at  Greenville,  on  the 
borders  of  Indiana,  and  Ohio,  upon  the  lands 
already  ceded  to  the  United  States,  where 
great  numbers  resorted  to  him  to  hear  his 
preaching,  listen  to  his  revelations,  and  wit 
ness  his  incantations  and  miracles.  In  the 
mean  time  Tecumthe  was  employed  in  trav 
elling  among  all  the  tribes  of  the  Northwest, 
spreading  every  where  his  brother's  fame,  and 
magnifying  his  supernatural  power.  It  thus 
came  about  that  the  reputation  of  the  prophet 
was  generally  greater  at  a  distance,  than  in 
his  own  immediate  vicinity.  It  often  happen 
ed  that  his  followers,  engaged  in  religious  ex 
ercises,  and  relying  upon  the  power  of  the 


60 

prophet,  neglected  to  provide  the  necessary 
means  for  their  own  subsistence,  in  conse 
quence  of  which  they  sometimes  approached 
the  very  verge  of  starvation.  Dispirited  and 
disappointed,  the  less  persevering  among 
them  would  feel  their  faith  shaken,  would 
quit  the  prophet,  and  return  home.  At  these 
very  times,  reports  would  be  prevailing  at  a 
distance  of  the  abundance  and  luxury  super* 
naturally  prevailing  in  the  prophet's  camp. 
It  was  alleged  and  firmly  believed  that  he 
caused  pumpkins  to  spring  out  of  the  ground, 
as  large  as  a  house,  arid  that  he  had  the  pow 
er  of  causing  corn  to  grow  up  suddenly  and 
spontaneously,  of  so  remarkable  a  size,  that 
one  ear  would  suffice  to  feed  a  dozen  men. 
These  wonderful  stories,  which  found  a  ready 
belief  among  the  superstitious  and  idle,  were 
propagated  in  every  direction  by  the  in 
defatigable  exertions  of  Tecumthe  ;  and  nu 
merous  devotees  from  the  most  distant  tribes 
were  continually  flocking  towards  the  prophet, 
and  making  good  the  places  of  those,  whom 
disappointment,  disbelief,  or  the  love  of 
change  induced  to  quit  him. 

Tecumthe  and   his  brother   applied  their 


most  earnest  efforts  to  bring  over  to  their 
party,  the  chiefs  of  their  own  tribe,  of  the 
Delawares,  and  the  Miamies.  In  this  effort 
they  had,  on  the  whole,  but  little  success. 
These  chiefs  did  not  feel  inclined  to  surrender 
up  all  their  authority  and  influence  into  the 
hands  of  two  adventurers  who  claimed  an 
authority  from  the  Great  Spirit,  to  control  every 
thing.  They  openly  accused  them  of  imposture, 
and  endeavored  to  open  the  eyes  of  those  In 
dians,  whom  a  belief  in  the  supernatural  pow 
ers  of  the  prophet  had  attracted  from  a  dis 
tance.  Not  discouraged  by  this  opposition, 
the  two  brothers  applied  themselves  to  un 
dermine  the  authority  and  influence  of  the 
chiefs,  by  accusing  them  of  having  betrayed 
their  trust ;  sold  their  tribes  to  the  white  men  ; 
and  having  caused  all  the  calamities  of  the 
Indians  by  those  cessions  of  land  to  which 
they  had  consented. 

With  the  Delaware  tribe  they  went  still  fur 
ther,  and  resorted  to  the  most  extraordinary 
method  of  ridding  themselves  of  the  oppos 
ing  chiefs.  They  preferred  against  these 
chiefs,  the  charge  of  witchcraft,  an  indefinite 
but  terrible  offence,  which  the  Indians  con- 
5 


template  with  such  horror  and  alarm,  that  the 
mere  accusation  generally  passes  with  them 
as  a  sufficient  proof  of  guilt.  Having  wrought 
up  the  tribe  to  a  high  pitch  of  fanatical  fury, 
the  Shawnese  intriguers  succeeded  in  procur 
ing  the  execution  of  Teteboxti,  a  venerable 
warrior,  eighty  years  of  age,  and  of  one  other 
of  the  obnoxious  chiefs;  nor  is  it  at  all  certain 
to  what  extreme  lengths  they  might  have 
gone,  had  not  their  proceedings  been  inter 
rupted,  by  the  arrival  of  a  special  messenger, 
bearing  a  strong  remonstrance  against  the 
murder  of  their  chiefs,  addressed  by  Governor 
Harrison  to  the  Delaware  tribe.  This  remon 
strance  put  a  stop  to  further  executions. 

The  operations  of  the  prophet  and  his 
brother  were  continued,  however,  with  the 
greatest  perseverance  and  assiduity.  The 
prophet  appointed  occasional  seasons  of  prayer 
and  exhortation,  which  were  continued  for 
many  days  in  succession  ;  and  previous  notice 
being  given  of  the  time  at  which  they  were  to 
be  held,  the  Indians  of  the  most  distant  tribes 
flocked  to  hear  them,  frequently  to  the  neg 
lect  of  their  corn-fields  and  other  means  of 
subsistence,  so  that  the  agents  of  the  United 


63 

States  were  obliged  to  supply  them  with  pro 
visions  to  preserve  them  from  starvation. 
During  these  seasons,  the  devotees  of  the 
prophet  seemed  wholly  possessed  with  a  sort 
of  religious  phrenzy  ;  but  their  religious  ex 
ercises  were  always  succeeded  or  intermixed 
with  warlike  sports,  such  as  shooting  with 
bows,  throwing  the  tomahawk,  and  wielding 
the  war-club.  This  combination  of  religious 
and  warlike  exercises,  and  especially  this  re 
vival  of  the  use  of  weapons  of  their  own  man 
ufacture,  plainly  intimated  the  ultimate  inten 
tions  of  the  prophet. 

The  two  brothers,  with  all  their  efforts, 
were  not  able  to  obtain  a  preponderating  in 
fluence  with  the  Delawares  and  Miamies, 
among  whom  they  were  well  known.  But 
their  influence  with  the  more  distant  tribes, 
the  Ottawas,  Chippewas,  Potowatomies,  Kick- 
apoo  and  Winnebagos  was  very  great ;  and 
in  the  summer  of  1808,  the  prophet  removed 
his  encampment  to  a  spot  on  the  banks  of  the 
Tippecanoe,  a  tributary  of  the  Upper  Wabash, 
—  a  place  which  was  become  known  as  the 
prophet's  town,  —  with  the  design  perhaps  of 
being  nearer  to  those  tribes  over  whom  he 


possessed  the  greatest  influence.  This  pur 
pose  he  effected  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of 
the  Delawares  and  Miamies,  to  whom  the 
land  belonged,  and  who  were  very  anxious  to 
prevent  his  settlement  upon  it. 

About  this  time  our  relations  with  Great 
Britain  assumed  a  very  hostile  aspect,  and  war 
seemed  to  be  impending.  The  British  Indian 
agents,  and  traders  in  Canada,  anxious  as  it 
was  supposed  to  strengthen  themselves  by  al 
liances  with  the  Indians,  had  opened,  as  was 
generally  believed,  a  communication  with  the 
prophet,  and  through  him  with  all  the  Indian 
tribes.  This  circumstance  caused  the  influ 
ence  of  the  prophet  to  be  regarded  as  the 
more  formidable,  and  his  operations  to  be 
watched  with  a  more  jealous  eye. 

The  prophet,  conscious  of  the  suspicions 
which  were  entertained  of  his  designs,  and 
not  yet  ready  to  break  with  the  Americans, 
resolved  to  practice  a  bold  deception,  and  by 
the  most  positive  protestations  of  his  pacific 
intentions,  to  deceive  if  possible  the  vigilance 
of  Governor  Harrison.  With  this  design, 
soon  after  his  establishment  at  Tippecanoe, 
he  sent  a  message  to  Vincennes  in  which  he 


65 

complained  bitterly  of  the  misrepresentations 
of  his  views  and  designs  which  were  circu 
lated  in  the  settlements,  and  promised  shortly 
to  visit  the  governor  in  person.  In  the  month 
of  August  he  made  his  appearance  according 
ly,  and  remained  with  the  governor  about  two 
weeks. 

Shortly  after  his  arrival,  the  prophet  deliv 
ered  to  the  governor  the  following  speech  : 

"Father,  It  is  three  years  since  I  first  be 
gan  with  that  system  of  religion  which  I  now 
practice.  The  white  people  and  some  of  the 
Indians  were  against  me ;  but  I  had  no  inten 
tion  except  to  introduce  among  the  Indians 
those  good  principles  of  religion  which  the 
white  people  profess.  I  was  spoken  badly  of 
by  the  white  people,  who  reproached  me  with 
misleading  the  Indians;  but  I  defy  them  to 
say  that  I  did  any  thing  amiss. 

"  Father,  I  was  told  that  you  intended  to 
hang  me,  When  I  heard  this,  I  resolved  to 
remember  it,  and  to  tell  my  Father,  when  I 
went  to  see  him,  the  whole  truth. 

"  I  also  heard  that  you,  my  Father,  wanted 
to  know  whether  I  was  God  or  man,  and  that 
you  had  said,  if  I  was  the  former,  I   should 
5* 


66 

not  steal  horses.  This  I  heard  but  I  did  not 
believe  it. 

"  The  Great  Spirit  told  me  to  tell  the  Indi 
ans  that  he  had  made  them  and  the  world, 
arid  that  he  had  placed  them  in  it  to  do  good 
and  not  evil. 

"  I  told  all  the  Indians  that  the  way  they 
were  in  was  not  good,  and  that  they  ought  to 
abandon  it ;  that  we  ought  to  live  agreeably  to 
our  several  customs,  the  red  people  after  their 
mode,  and  the  white  people  after  theirs ;  par 
ticularly  that  they  should  not  drink  whiskey, 
which  was  not  made  for  them,  but  for  the 
white  people,  who  alone  knew  how  to  use  it ; 
and  that  it  is  the  cause  of  all  the  mischiefs 
which  the  Indians  suffer.  I  bade  them  follow 
the  directions  of  the  Great  Spirit,  as  it  was  he 
who  made  us.  I  told  them  to  listen  to  noth 
ing  that  is  bad.  I  said  to  them  —  Do  not 
take  up  the  tomahawk  should  it  be  offered  by 
the  British  or  by  the  Long  Knives.  Do  not 
meddle  with  anything  that  does  not  belong  to 
you,  but  mind  your  own  business  and  culti 
vate  the  ground,  that  your  women  and  chil 
dren  may  have  enough  to  live  upon. 

"  I  now  inform  you  that  it  is  our  intention 


67 

to  live  in  peace  with  our  Father  and  his  peo 
ple  forever. 

"  My  Father,  I  have  informed  you  what  we 
mean  to  do,  and  I  call  the  Great  Spirit  to 
witness  the  truth  of  my  declaration.  The  re 
ligion  which  I  have  established  has  been  re 
ceived  by  all  the  different  tribes  of  Indians  in 
this  part  of  the  world.  They  were  once  a  di 
vided  people ;  they  are  now  one ;  and  they  are 
all  determined  to  practice  what  I  have  re 
ceived  from  the  Great  Spirit  and  declared  to 
them. 

"  Brother,  I  speak  to  you  as  a  warrior. 
You  are  one.  But  let.  us  lay  aside  this  char 
acter,  arid  attend  to  the  care  of  our  children, 
that  they  may  live  in  comfort  and  peace.  We 
desire  you  to  unite  with  us  for  the  preservation 
of  both  the  red  and  white  man.  Former 
ly  when  we  lived  in  ignorance  we  were  foolish, 
but  now  since  we  listen  to  the  voice  of  the 
Great  Spirit,  we  are  happy. 

"  I  have  listened  to  what  you  have  said  to 
us.  You  have  promised  to  assist  us.  I  now 
request  you  in  behalf  of  the  red  people,  to  use 
your  exertions  to  prevent  the  sale  of  liquor  to 
us.  We  are  all  well  pleased  to  hear  you  say 


68 

that  you  will  endeavor  to  promote  our  happi 
ness.  We  give  you  every  assurance  that  we 
will  follow  the  dictates  of  the  Great  Spirit." 

This  speech,  so  characteristic  of  the  person 
by  whom  it  was  delivered,  but  at  the  same 
time  so  well  calculated  to  obtain  confidence, 
was  followed  up  by  a  corresponding  course  of 
conduct.  The  prophet,  often  in  the  presence 
of  the  governor,  harangued  his  followers ; 
and  his  constant  topics  were,  the  evils  of 
war,  and  of  whiskey-drinking.  That  upon  this 
latter  subject,  the  prophet  had  obtained  a 
complete  mastery  over  the  passions  and  appe 
tites  of  his  disciples,  was  evinced  by  the  fact, 
that  by  no  persuasion  could  they  be  prevailed 
upon,  under  any  circumstances,  to  touch  a 
drop  of  that  liquor,  which  formerly  was  one  of 
their  greatest  objects  of  desire. 

On  the  whole  the  governor  was  rather  fa 
vorably  impressed  by  this  visit  of  the  prophet ; 
and  was  induced  to  regard  him  as  a  person 
disposed  to  use  the  vast  influence  which  he 
had  obtained  over  the  Indians,  for  good  pur 
poses  ;  and  capable  of  being  employed  as  an 
instrument,  for  checking  their  most  danger 
ous  vices,  and  promoting  their  civilization. 


69 


Soon  after  the  return  of  the  prophet  to  his 
town,  notwithstanding  all  the  pacific  protesta 
tions  he  had  made,  reports  of  his  intention  to 
attack  the  white  settlements  prevailed  exten 
sively,  both  in  those  settlements  themselves, 
and  among  the  Indian  tribes ;  and  the  num 
ber  of  warriors  whieh  he  often  had  at  his 
town  and  under  his  control,  was  a  constant 
source  of  apprehension  and  alarm.  The 
prophet's  town  also  soon  became  the  refuge 
of  all  those  Indians,  to  whatever  tribe  they 
might  belong,  who  had  committed  depreda 
tions  of  any  kind  upon  the  whites ;  and 
though  in  reply  to  the  messages  that  were 
sent  to  him,  the  prophet  always  returned  very 
civil  and  peaceable  answers,  it  was  impossi 
ble  to  obtain  from  him  the  surrender  of  any 
of  the  depredators. 

Governor  Harrison  had  long  considered  it 
a  very  desirable  object,  to  obtain  the  cession 
of  that  tract  of  land  which  intervened  between 
the  settlements  about  Vincennes,  and  the  ces 
sion  which  had  been  made  at  the  treaty  of 
Greenville.  Considering  this  to  be  a  favora 
ble  time  to  effect  that  object,  he  obtained  the 
necessary  authority  from  the  War  Depart- 


70 

rnent ;  and  in  a  Council  held  at  Fort  Wayne 
in  September,  1809,  he  succeeded  in  gaining 
the  assent  to  the  cession  of  the  Miamies,  the 
Delawares,  the  Potavvatomies,  and  the  Kicka- 
poos,  —  the  only  tribes  who  had  the  slightest 
claim  of  title  to  the  land.  The  consideration 
for  the  cession  consisted  in  certain  annuities 
which  the  tribes  concerned  regarded  as  a 
satisfactory  equivalent. 

This  purchase,  however,  was  soon  made  a 
great  matter  of  complaint  by  the  prophet  and 
his  brother.  They  set  up  the  doctrine,  that 
the  Indian  lands  belonged  in  common,  to  all 
the  tribes  ;  and  that  for  a  cession  to  be  bind 
ing,  all  the  tribes  must  join  in  it.  On  this 
ground  they  denounced  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Wayne  as  invalid  ;  and  threatened  to  kill 
all  the  chiefs  who  had  been  concerned 
in  making  it.  They  assumed  every  day 
a  more  hostile  attitude ;  and  though  they 
still  professed  the  most  pacific  intentions, 
there  was  every  reason  to  believe  that  they 
were  only  waiting  for  a  favorable  opportunity 
to  commence  hostilities.  Their  influence  was 
considerably  increased  about  this  time  by  their 
success  in  gaining  over  the  Hurons  or  Wyan* 


71 

dots  to  their  party.  This  was  a  small  tribe, 
but  though  few  in  numbers,  they  possessed 
great  influence  in  the  Indian  council.  The 
other  tribes  called  them  Unkles,  and  venerated 
them  for  their  superior  talents  and  valor.  To 
their  custody  was  committed  the  great  belt, 
which  had  been  the  symbol  of  union  between 
the  tribes  during  the  late  war  with  the  United 
States,  as  well  as  the  original  duplicate  of  the 
treaty  of  Greenville,  by  which  that  war  had 
been  concluded.  The  prophet,  conscious  of 
the  great  advantage  which  he  should  derive 
from  the  adhesion  of  the  Wyandots,  sent  them 
a  deputation,  expressing  his  surprise  that  a 
nation  which  had  directed  the  councils  of  so 
many  other  tribes,  and  had  always  taken  so 
leading  a  part  in  all  wars  and  negotiations 
with  the  whites,  should  sit  still,  and  allow 
two  or  three  tribes  to  cede  away  lands  which 
belonged  to  all  the  Indians  in  common.  He 
requested  also  to  see  the  treaties  in  their  pos 
session  ;  being  anxious  to  know  what  they  ac 
tually  contained. 

The  Wyandots  replied,  that  they  had  care 
fully  preserved  the  belt  which  formerly  united 
all  the  tribes  as  one  nation  ;  but  it  had  re- 


72 

mained  so  long  in  their  hands,  without  any 
inquiry  being  made  about  it,  that  they  had 
supposed  it  was  forgotten.  They  were  glad 
however,  that  at  length  it  was  called  for,  For 
themselves,  they  were  tired  of  their  present 
situation  ;  they  wished  with  all  their  heart, 
to  see  all  the  tribes  united  again  as  one  man. 
Everything  done  since  the  treaty  of  Green 
ville,  they  looked  upon  as  good  for  nothing ; 
and  they  were  ready  to  join  with  the  prophet  in 
bringing  the  tribes  together,  and  uniting  them 
so  as  to  put  a  stop  to  the  encroachments  of 
the  white  people,  and  to  attempt  the  recovery 
of  what  had  been  unjustly  taken  from  them. 
They  had  been  pushed  back  until  they  could  go 
no  further;  and  they  might  as  well  die  where 
they  were,  as  be  driven  among  those  dis 
tant  and  hostile  tribes  who  would  probably 
kill  them. 

This  answer  of  the  Wyandots,  the'prophet 
immediately  circulated  in  every  direction,  and 
it  produced  a  strong  impression  in  his  favor. 
Even  some  of  the  Miami  chiefs  were  so  intim 
idated  by  the  reproaches  of  the  Wyandots, 
who  passed  through  their  village,  on  their 


73 

way  to  the  prophet,  as  to  consent  to  attend  a 
general  meeting  at  the  prophet's  town. 

The  influence  which  this  person  acquired, 
and  the  readiness  with  which  his  views  were 
adopted  by  the  Indians  was  but  natural. 
At  this  time  the  Indians  of  the  Northwest  — 
especially  those  tribes  nearest  to  the  white 
settlements, —  were  in  a  wretched  condition, 
The  game  which  formerly  was  so  abun 
dant,  was  now  become  so  scarce,  in  many 
parts  of  the  country,  as  hardly  to  afford  sub 
sistence  to  the  most  active  hunters  ;  and  a 
large  part  of  each  tribe  was  often  in  a  state  of 
starvation.  Even  the  European  war  was  felt 
in  its  consequences  by  these  Indians,  and 
tended  to  aggravate  their  sufferings.  The 
commercial  exclusion  of  the  English  from  the 
continent,  —  where  the  greater  part  of  the 
American  furs  had  usually  been  disposed  of, 
—  had  so  reduced  the  price  of  those  articles, 
that  the  Indians  could  hardly  procure  with  the 
produce  of  their  year's  hunt,  the  necessary 
ammunition  for  the  next  year.  Whiskey, 
which  in  spite  of  all  attempts  to  prevent  it, 
was  sold  profusely  among  them,  produced  its 
usual  ravages ;  and  the  conciliatory  efforts 
6 


74 

and  benevolent  intentions  of  the  general 
government  were  constantly  neutralized  by 
the  conduct  of  the  settlers,  most  of  whom 
were  inspired  with  a  bitter  hatred  and  detes 
tation  of  the  Indians,  and  a  total  disregard  of 
their  feelings  and  rights.  It  is  true  that  a 
war  with  the  United  States  was  more  likely  to 
aggravate  than  to  remedy  all  these  evils,  — 
a  consideration  which  had  great  weight  with  a 
portion  of  the  Indians,  and  which  operated  to 
restrain  them  from  hostilities  ;  but  a  consid 
eration  which  was  little  regarded  by  the  more 
fanatical  followers  of  the  prophet,  who  placed 
implicit  confidence  in  the  prophecies  of  their 
leader,  and  who  fondly  relied  upon  the  effect 
of  his  supernatural  intimacy  with  the  Great 
Spirit. 

Governor  Harrison,  however,  was  for  a  long 
time  incredulous  as  to  the  actual  danger  of  a 
war  ;  though  the  reports  of  hostile  intentions 
which  came  in  from  every  quarter,  induced 
him  to  make  such  preparations  as  were  in  his 
power,  to  guard  against  its  effects.  He  did 
not  doubt  that  war  had  been  thought  of  and 
talked  about ;  but  he  supposed  that  the  fears 
and  the  prudence  of  the  Indians,  would  pre- 


75 

rail  over  their  inclination  for  hostilities.  To 
ascertain  if  possible,  the  real  intentions  of  the 
prophet,  he  sent  several  messengers  to  his 
town;  and  finally  invited  him  and  his  brother 
to  make  a  visit  to  Vincennes. 

Tecumthe  came  accordingly ;  and  though  the 
governor,  who  had  no  great  confidence  in  his 
good  faith,  had  particularly  requested  him  not 
to  bring  above  thirty  attendants,  he  brought 
with  him  four  hundred  warriors  completely 
armed.  About  forty  of  these  warriors  were 
present  at  the  Council  holden  on  the  12th  of 
August.  The  governor  was  attended  by  the 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  several  officers 
of  the  army,  Winnemaek,  a  friendly  chief  of 
the Potow atomies,  and  a  considerable  number 
of  unarmed  citizens.  A  guard  consisting  of  a 
Serjeant  and  twelve  men,  were  placed  near 
the  governor ;  but  as  in  that  position  they 
were  exposed  to  th-e  sun,  he  sent  them  to  a 
shade  at  some  distance. 

Tecumthe  opened  the  Council  by  a  speech, 
in  which  the  designs  of  himself  and  his  broth 
er  were  fully  avowed.  He  declared  that  it  was 
their  object  to  form  a  combination  of  all  the 
tribes,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  a  stop  to  fur- 


76 

ther  encroachments  on  the  part  of  the  whites, 
and  to  establish  it  as  a  principle  that  lands 
were  to  be  considered  the  common  property 
of  all  the  tribes,  never  to  be  sold  without  the 
consent  of  all.  He  avowed  the  intention 
of  putting  to  death  all  those  chiefs  who  had 
been  concerned  in  any  of  the  late  treaties. 
But  still,  with  a  strange  inconsistency,  he 
persisted  in  the  assertion,  that  he  and  his 
brother  had  no  intention  of  making  war  ;  and 
declared  that  they  who  had  given  this  inform 
ation  to  the  governor  were  liars.  This  was  par 
ticularly  aimed  at  Winnemack,  who  had  often 
communicated  to  the  governor  the  designs  of 
the  prophet,  and  who  was  now  overwhelmed 
with  such  a  torrent  of  threats  and  abuse  by 
Tecumthe,  that  he  secretly  charged  a  pistol 
which  he  held  in -his  hand,  and  stood  ready  to 
defend  his  life. 

In  reply,  the  governor  ridiculed  the  asser 
tion  of  Tecumthe  that  the  Great  Spirit  had  in 
tended  the  Indians  to  be  one  people, -—for  if 
so,  why  had  he  put  different  tongues  into 
their  heads,  instead  of  giving  them  one  lan 
guage  which  all  might  understand  ?  As  to 
the  land  in  dispute,  it  had  been  bought  of  the 


77 

Miamies,  who  owned  it  at  a  time  when  the 
Shawnese  lived  in  Georgia.  They  had  seenx 
fit  to  sell  it;  and  what  business  had  the 
Shawnese  to  come  from  a  distant  country  and 
undertake  to  control  them  in  the  disposal  of 
their  own  property?  Here  the  governor  stop 
ped  to  give  the  interpreters  an  opportunity  to 
explain  to  the  Indians  what  he  had  said. 
The  interpreter  to  the  Shawnese  had  con 
cluded,  and  the  interpreter  to  the  Potawato- 
mies  was  just  about  to  begin,  when  Tecurnthe 
rose,  interrupted  the  interpreter,  and  com 
menced  speaking  in  a  very  violent  manner,  and 
with  the  most  vehement  gesticulations,  de 
claring  that  ali  the  governor  had  said  was 

o  o 

false,  and  that  he  and  the  United  States  had 
cheated  and  imposed  upon  the  Indians.  He 
had  spoken  but  a  few  minutes,  when  his  war 
riors  seized  their  arms,  sprung  upon  thnir  feet, 
and  began  to  brandish  their  tomahawks  arid 
war-clubs,  their  eyes  all  fixed  upon  the  govern 
or.  He  immediately  rose  from  the  arm-chair  in 
which  he  was  sitting,  arid  drew  a  sword  which 
he  had  by  his  side.  The  chief  Winnernack 
cocked  his  pistol,  some  of  the  officers  drew 
their  weapons,  and  the  unarmed  citizen* 


78 

caught  up  brick-bats  and  other  missiles,  and 
stood  upon  the  defensive.  During  this  singu 
lar  scene,  no  one  spoke,  till  the  guard  came 
running  up  and  were  about  to  fire,  when  the 
governor  ordered  them  to  stop.  He  then  de 
manded  from  the  interpreter  an  explanation 
of  what  had  happened,  and  received  from  him 
an  account  of  what  Tecumthe  had  said. 
Turning  then  to  Tecumthe,  the  governor 
told  him  that  he  was  a  bad  man,  and  that  he 
would  hold  no  further  communication  with 
him.  As  he  had  come  under  the  protection  of 
the  council-fire,  he  might  depart  in  safety,  but 
he  must  instantly  leave  the  neighborhood. 
Thereupon  the  Council  was  immediately 
broken  up,  and  Tecumthe  retired  to  his 
camp. 

That  night  the  militia  of  Vincennes  were 
all  under  arms  in  expectation  of  an  attack, 
but  none  was  made.  Tecumthe,  finding  that  he 
had  to  do  with  a  man  of  firmness  and  sagacity, 
who  could  not  be  disconcerted  by  his  insolence, 
nor  intimidated  by  his  violence,  professed  the 
next  morning,  the  greatest  regret  for  the  im 
proprieties  into  which  he  had  been  betrayed 
the  day  before,  and  requested  a  second  inter- 


79 

view  with  the  governor.  The  behaviour  of 
Tecumthe  at  this  second  interview,  was  very 
different  from  what  it  had  been  the  day  be 
fore.  His  deportment  was  dignified  arid  col 
lected,  and  he  showed  not  the  least  disposition 
to  be  insolent.  He  denied  any  intention  of  at 
tacking  the  governor,  but  said  he  had  been 
advised  by  white  people  to  take  the  course  he 
had  adopted.  They  had  told  him,  that  half 
the  whites  were  opposed  to  the  purchase ; 
and  if  he  made  a  vigorous  resistance  to  the 
execution  of  the  treaty  of  Fort  Wayne,  the 
governor  would  soon  be  recalled  and  a  good 
man  put  in  his  place,  who  would  give  up  the 
land.  Being  asked  by  the  governor  if  he  in 
tended  to  prevent  the  survey  of  the  new  pur 
chase,  he  replied  that  he  and  his  friends  were 
determined  to  adhere  to  the  old  boundary. 

After  Tecumthe  had  finished,  a  Wyandot, 
a  Potowatomie,  an  Ottawa,  a  Kickapoo,  and 
a  Winebago,  severally  spoke.  They  declared 
that  their  tribes  had  entered  into  the  Shaw- 
nese  confederacy,  and  that  they  would  support 
the  principles  laid  down  by  Tecumthe,  whom 
they  had  appointed  their  leader.  In  conclu 
sion,  the  governor  informed  the  Indians,  that 


80 

he  would  lay  before  the  President,  a  state 
ment  of  their  pretensions  to  the  land  in  dis 
pute  ;  but  that  he  was  well  satisfied  that  the 
President  never  would  admit  that  they  had 
any  thing  to  do  with  the  sale  by  the  Miamies, 
of  lands  possessed  and  occupied  by  them,  ever 
since  the  country  had  been  known  to  white 
men;  and  that  the  title  of  the  United  States 
to  the  land  in  question,  would  be  sustained,  if 
need  were,  by  the  sword. 

Very  anxious  to  discover  the  real  senti 
ments  and  intentions  of  Tecumthe,  the  gov 
ernor  afterwards  paid  him  a  visit  at  his  camp, 
attended  only  by  an  interpreter.  He  was 
very  politely  received,  and  conversed  a  long 
time  with  the  chief.  Being  questioned  on 
that  point,  Tecumthe  declared  that  his  inten 
tions  were  really  such  as  he  had  avowed  in 
the  councils.  He  was  very  loath,  he  said, 
to  go  to  war  with  the  United  States,  and  if 
they  would  give  up  the  land  in  dispute,  and 
agree  never  to  make  another  treaty  without 
the  consent  of  all  the  tribe?,  he  would  be  their 
faithful  ally,  and  assist  them  in  their  wars 
with  the  British.  He  said  he  knew  well  that 
the  British  were  urging  the  Indians  to  make 


81 

war  upon  the  Americans,  not  out  of  any  re 
gard  they  had  for  the  welfare  of  the  Indians, 
but  merely  for  purposes  of  their  own.  Nev 
ertheless,  if  the  United  States  would  not  com 
ply  with  his  terms,  he  should  be  obliged  to 
unite  with  the  English. 

The  governor  told  him  that  he  would  in 
form  the  President  of  his  views;  but  added, 
that  there  was  not  the  least  probability  of  his 
terms  being  acceded  to.  "  Well/'  said  Te- 
cumthe,  "  as  your  great  chief  is  to  determine 
this  matter,  I  hope  the  Great  Spirit  will  put 
sense  enough  into  his  head,  to  make  him  give 
up  the  land.  It  is  true,  he  is  so  far  off,  he 
will  not  be  injured  by  the  war.  He  may  sit  in 
his  town  and  drink  his  wine,  whilst  you  and  I 
will  have  to  fight  it  out." 

The  following  statement  of  the  facts  of  the 
controversy  with  the  prophet  and  Tecumthe 
growing  out  of  the  treaty  of  Fort  Wayne,  is 
extracted  from  the  message  of  Governor  Har 
rison  to  the  territorial  Legislature  of  Indiana 
at  its  session  during  the  winter  of  1810.  It 
contains  so  clear  and  distinct  a  view  of  the 
whole  dispute,  as  to  deserve  an  insertion  in 
this  place. 


82 

"  Presenting  as  we  do,  a  very  extended 
frontier  to  numerous  and  warlike  tribes  of  the 
aborigines,  the  state  of  our  relations  with  them 
must  always  form  an  important  and  interest 
ing  feature  in  our  local  politics.  It  is  with 
regret  that  I  have  to  inform  you  that  the  har 
mony  and  good  understanding,  which  it  is  so 
much  our  interest  to  cultivate  with  tho^eof  our 
neighbors,  have,  for  some  time  past,  experi 
enced  a  considerable  interruption,  and  that, 
we  have  been  threatened  with  hostilities  by  a 
combination,  formed  under  the  auspices  of  a 
bold  adventurer,  who  pretends  to  act  under  the 
immediate  inspection  of  the  Deity.  His 
character  as  a  prophet  would  not,  however, 
have  given  him  any  very  dangerous  influence, 
if  he  had  riot  been  assisted  by  the  intrigues 
and  advice  of  foreign  agents,  and  other  dis 
affected  persons,  who  have  for  many  years 
omitted  no  oportunity  of  counteracting  the 
measures  of  government  with  regard  to  the 
Indians,  and  filling  their  naturally  jealous 
minds  with  suspicion  of  the  justice  and  in 
tegrity  of  the  views  towards  them.  The  cir 
cumstance  laid  hold  of  to  encourage  disaf 
fection  on  the  late  occasion  was,  the  treaty 


83 

made  by  me  at  Fort  Wayne,  in  the  autumn 
of  last  year.  Among  the  difficulties  to  be 
encountered  in  obtaining  those  extinguish 
ments  of  title  which  have  proved  so  beneficial 
to  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  and  so 
necessary  as  the  means  of  increasing  the 
population  of  the  Territory,  the  most  formida 
ble  was  that  of  ascertaining  the  tribes  to  be 
admitted  as  parties  to  the  cession.  The  sub 
ject  was  accordingly  discussed  in  a  long  cor 
respondence  between  the  government  and 
myself;  and  the  principles  finally  adopted 
were  made  as  liberal  towards  the  Indians,  as 
a  due  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  United 
States  would  admit.  Of  the  tribes  which  had 
formed  the  confederacy  in  the  war,  which 
was  terminated  by  the  peace  of  Greenville, 
some  were  resident  upon  lands  which  had 
been  in  possession  of  their  forefathers  at  the 
time  the  first  settlements  were  made  in  Amer 
ica  by  white  people ;  whilst  others,  emi 
grants  from  distant  parts  of  the  country,  had 
no  other  claim  to  the  tracts  they  occupied, 
than  what  a  few  years'  residence,  by  the 
tacit  consent  of  the  real  owners,  could  give. 
Upon  common  and  general  principles,  a 


84 

transfer  of  the  title  of  the  former  description, 
would  have  been  sufficient  to  vest  in  the  pur 
chaser,  the  legal  right  to  lands  so  situated. 
But  in  all  its  transactions  with  the  Indians, 
our  government  have  not  been  content  with 
doing  that  which  was  just  only.  Its  savage 
neighbors  have,  on  all  occasions,  experienced 
its  liberality  and  benevolence.  Upon  this 
principle,  in  several  of  the  treaties  which 
have  been  made,  several  tribes  have  been  ad 
mitted  to  a  participation  of  their  benefits, 
who  had  no  title  to  the  lands  ceded,  merely 
because  they  have  been  accustomed  to  hunt 
upon,  and  derive  part  of  their  support  from 
them.  For  this  reason,  and  to  prevent  the 
Miamies,  who  were  the  real  owners  of  the 
land,  from  experiencing  any  ill  effects  from 
their  resentment,  in  case  they  were  excluded, 
the  Delawares,  Potowatomies,  and  Kickapoos 
were  made  parties  to  the  late  treaty  of  Fort 
Wayne.  No  other  tribe  was  admitted,  be 
cause  it  had  never  been  suggested  that  any 
other  could  plead  even  the  title  of  use  and 
occupancy  of  the  lands,  which  at  that  time 
were  conveyed  to  the  United  States.  It  was 
not  until  eight  months  after  the  conclusion  of 


85 

the  treaty,  and  after  his  design  of  forming  a 
hostile  combination  against  the  United  States, 
had  been  discovered    and  defeated,    that  the 
pretensions  of  the  prophet,  with  regard  to  the 
lands  in  question,  were  made   known.     A  fu 
rious   clamor  was  then  raised  by  the   foreign 
agents  among  us,   and  other   disaffected  per 
sons,  against  the   policy  which  had  excluded 
from    the     treaty   this  great   and    influential 
character,  as  he   was  termed  ;  and  the  doing 
so   was   expressly   attributed   to    personal   ill 
will  on  the  part  of  the  negociator.     No  such 
ill  will  did,  in  fact,  exist.     I  accuse  myself  in 
deed  of  an    error,  in  the   patronage    and  sup 
port  which  1  afforded  him,  upon  his  first  arri 
val  on  the  Wabash,  before  his  hostility  to  the 
United  States   had  been  developed  ;  but  upon 
no   principle  of  propriety   or  policy  would  he 
have  been  made  a  party  to  the  treaty.     The 
personage   called   the  prophet,  is  not  a  chief 
of  the  tribe  to  which   he  belongs,  but  an  out 
cast  from  it,   rejected    and  hated   by  the  real 
chiefs,  the  principal  of  whom  was  present  at 
the  treaty,  and  not  only   disclaimed  upon  the 
part  of  his  tribe,  any  title  to  the  lands  ceded, 
but  used  his  personal  influence  with  the  chiefs 
7 


86 

of  the  other  tribes,  to  effect  the  cession.  As 
soon  as  I  was  informed  that  his  dissatisfaction 
at  the  treaty  was  assigned  as  the  cause 
of  the  hostile  attitude  which  the  prophet 
had  assumed,  I  sent  to  inform  him,  that 
whatever  claims  he  might  have  to  the  lands 
which  had  been  purchased  by  the  United 
States,  were  not  in  the  least  affected  by  that 
purchase  ;  that  he  might  come  forward  and 
exhibit  his  pretensions,  and  if  they  were  really 
found  to  be  just  or  equitable,  the  lands  would 
be  restored  or  an  ample  equivalent  given  for 
them.  His  brother  was  deputized  and  sent  to 
me  for  that  purpose  ;  but  far  from  being  able 
to  show  any  color  of  claim,  either  for  himself 
or  any  of  his  followers,  his  objections  to  the 
treaty  were  confined  to  the  assertion,  that  all 
the  land  upon  the  continent  was  the  common 
property  of  all  the  tribes,  and  that  no  sale  of 
any  part  of  it  would  be  valid,  without  the 
consent  of  all.  A  proposition  so  extremely 
absurd,  and  which  would  forever  prevent  any 
further  purchase  of  lands  by  the  United 
States,  could  receive  no  countenance  from 
any  friend  to  his  country.  He  had,  however, 
the  insolence  to  declare,  that  by  the  acknowl- 


87 


edgment  of  that  principle  alone  could  the  ef 
fects  of  his  resentment  be  avoided.  No  person 
who  is  in  the  least  acquainted  with  the  his 
tory  of  Indian  affairs  upon  our  Northwestern 
frontier  for  some  years  past,  can  be  at  any  loss 
for  the  source  of  all  this  mischief,  or  will  hes 
itate  to  believe  that  the  prophet  is  a  tool  of 
British  fears  or  British  avarice,  employed  for 
the  purpose  of  forming  a  combination  among 
the  Indians,  which  in  case  of  war  between 
that  power  and  the  United  States,  may  assist 
them  in  the  defence  of  Canada  ;  or  at  all 
events  may  be  employed  as  a  means  of  keep 
ing  back  our  settlements,  and  by  rendering  us 
suspected  and  hated  by  the  natives,  secure  to 
themselves  a  continuance  of  the  valuable  fur 
trade,  which  they  have  so  long  engrossed." 


88 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Prosecution  for  Slander  —  Aggressions  of  the  Prophet  — 
March  to  Tippeeanoe — Battle  of  Tippecanoe. 

HOWEVER  acceptable  to  the  people  of  the 
Territory,  was  the  conduct  of  the  governor, 
both  in  reference  to  its  internal  affairs,  and  to 
Indian  relations,  there  was,  as  always  happens 
in  such  cases,  a  small  but  extremely  active 
party,  diligently  employed  in  counteracting 
or  embarrassing  all  his  measures.  To  the 
conduct  and  complaint  of  these  persons,  there 
are  several  allusions  in  the  extract  above 
given  from  the  governor's  message.  In  the 
territory,  where  the  character  and  motives  of 
these  persons  were  known,  the  reports  which 
they  might  put  in  circulation  could  do  little 
mischief.  But  as  these  calumnies  began  to 
be  repeated  in  distant  parts  of  the  country, 
and  even  found  their  way  into  the  halls  of 
Congress,  governor  Harrison  considered  it 
due,  both  to  his  own  character  and  to  that  of 
the  general  government,  to  bring  the  matter 
to  the  test,  and  to  procure  an  examination  of 


89 

his  conduct  in  relation  to  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Wayne,  while  the  subject  was  still  fresh,  and 
the  proofs  within  reach.  Believing  an  inves 
tigation  hy  a  court  of  justice  the  most  effectu 
al  means  of  a  thorough  investigation,  he 
commenced  an  action  for  slander  in  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  the  territory  against  one 
M'Intosh,  a  Scotchman,  of  large  property  at 
Vincennes,  who  had  long  been  hostile  to  him, 
and  indeed  was  believed  not  to  be  very  warm 
ly  attached  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States.  This  person  had  asserted  that  the 
governor  had  cheated  the  Indians  in  the 
treaty  at  Fort  Wayne  ;  and  for  this  slander 
the  action  was  brought.  Every  means  was 
taken  to  ensure  an  impartial  trial.  Of  the 
three  judges,  one  left  the  bench  because  he 
was  the  personal  friend  of  the  governor,  and 
another  because  he  was  the  personal  friend 
of  the  defendant ;  and  the  trial  was  solely 
conducted  by  the  third  judge,  who  had  re 
cently  arrived  in  the  territory,  and  was  but 
slightly  acquainted  with  either  of  the  parties. 
To  ensure  an  impartial  jury,  the  Court  ap 
pointed  two  persons,  who  returned  a  pannel 

of  forty-eight  jurors.     From   this   forty-eight 
7* 


90 

the  plaintiff  and  defendant  each  struck 
twelve,  and  from  the  remaining  twenty-four 
the  jury  was  selected  by  lot. 

Every  person  concerned  in  the  Indian 
department,  or  who  could  know  anything 
of  the  circumstances  attending  the  negocia- 
tion  of  the  treaty  of  Fort  Wayne,  was  exam 
ined,  and  every  latitude  was  allowed  the  de 
fendant  in  the  examination.  Finding  that 
they  could  make  out  nothing  against  the 
treaty,  the  defendant's  counsel  began  to  ask 
questions  respecting  the  governor's  civil  ad 
ministration.  To  this  the  Court  objected,  as 
being  irrevalent  to  the  point  in  issue;  but  at 
the  earnest  soliciiation  of  the  governor,  the 
defendant  was  permitted  to  pursue  his  own 
course,  and  to  ask  questions  on  all  points 
which  he  thought  proper.  The  examination 
of  witnesses  having  closed,  the  defendant's 
counsel  abandoned  all  idea  of  justification,  and 
contended  only  for  a  mitigation  of  damages. 
The  jury  returned  a  verdict  of  $  4,000 
against  the  defendant,  an  immense  verdict, 
in  a  new  country,  where  money  was  scarce, 
and  where  damages  given  by  juries,  in  gen 
eral,  are  very  small. 


91 

To  satisfy  this  judgment,  a  large  amount 
of  the  defendant's  lands  were  exposed  to  sale, 
and  in  the  absence  of  the  governor,  in  the 
command  of  the  army,  the  ensuing  year, 
they  were  bought  in  by  his  agent.  Two 
thirds  of  this  property  the  governor  after 
wards  returned  to  M'Intosh  ;  and  the  re 
mainder  he  distributed  among  the  orphan 
children  of  several  distinguished  citizens, 
who  fell  in  the  service  of  their  country,  in  the 
war  of  1812. 

Tecumthe  and  the  prophet  still  continued 
their  hostile  preparations ;  and  the  aggres 
sions  on  the  whites,  committed  by  persons 
whom  they  encouraged  and  protected,  became 
every  day  more  aggravated.  Horses  were 
stolen,  houses  were  plundered,  families  were 
murdered,  and  the  whole  frontier  was  thrown 
into  a  state  of  agitation  and  alarm.  The 
governor  sent  a  speech  to  the  prophet,  in 
forming  him  of  the  terror  which  his  proceed 
ings  excited  among  the  people  of  the  territory, 
and  assuring  him  that  he  must  desist,  otherwise 
the  United  States  would  be  beforehand  with 
him  in  commencing  hostilities.  This  mes 
sage  produced  a  second  visit  from  Tecumthe, 


92 

who  however  gave  no  satisfaction  ;  and  who 
soon  departed  on  a  journey  to  the  South,  in 
the  hope  of  persuading  the  southern  Indians, 
to  join  in  his  confederacy.  His  mother  was  a 
Creek,  a  circumstance  on  which  he  placed 
much  reliance  ;  and  it  is  certain,  that  some 
two  years  later,  he  induced  the  Creeks  to 
raise  the  hatchet  against  the  United  States. 

Under  these  circumstances,  greatly  to  his 
own  satisfaction,  and  that  of  the  people 
of  the  territory,  the  governor  received  in 
structions  to  move  towards  the  prophet's 
town  with  an  armed  force.  He  was  implicitly 
required  however  to  avoid  hostilities,  a  of  any 
kind,  or  to  any  degree,  not  absolutely  neces 
sary."  These  latter  instructions  placed  the 
governor  in  a  very  delicate  position,  and  gave 
every  advantage  to  those  against  whom  he 
was  to  act.  He  was  to  march  upon  the 
prophet's  town,  but  was  not  to  fight  unless 
obliged  to.  This  secured  to  the  prophet  the 
opportunity  of  choosing  the  time  arid  place  of 
attack,  of  selecting  his  own  ground,  and 
striking  the  first  blow. 

The  troops  for  this  expedition  were  col 
lected  at  Fort  Harrison,  on  the  Wabash, 


93 

about  sixty  miles  above  Vincennes.  They 
consisted  of  the  Fourth  Regiment  of  United 
States  infantry,  under  Colonel  Boyd,  350 
strong,  and  about  550  volunteer  militia,  in 
cluding  a  squadron  of  dragoons,  and  three 
companies  of  mounted  riflemen.  The  volun 
teers  were  principally  from  Indiana,  but  some 
sixty  or  seventy  were  from  Kentucky,  including 
several  gentlemen  of  distinguished  reputation 
in  that  State,  and  several  young  men  who 
gained  much  credit  by  their  services  in  the 
subsequent  war  with  Great  Britain. 

The  Delawares  still  adhered  to  the  inter 
ests  of  the  United  States,  and  the  governor 
had  sent  for  the  chiefs  to  join  him  at  Fort 
Harrison.  He  despatched  some  of  them  on  a 
mission  to  the  prophet,  to  induce  him  to  lay 
aside  his  hostile  designs.  This  mission  was 
unavailing.  The  Delawares  on  their  return, 
reported  that  they  had  been  ill  received,  ill 
treated,  insulted,  and  finally  dismissed  with 
the  most  contemptuous  remarks  upon  them 
selves  and  the  governor. 

The  army  commenced  its  advance  from 
Fort  Harrison,  on  the  28th  of  October,  and 
the  whole  march  was  conducted  with  great 


94 

caution.  The  troops  were  encamped  every 
night,  in  order  of  battle,  and  they  marched 
always  in  two  lines,  on  each  side  the  trail 
which  served  as  a  road,  in  such  order  that 
by  a  single  movement  they  could  be  formed 
into  two  lines,  or  thrown  into  a  hollow  square, 
as  circumstances  might  require.  The  dra 
goons  and  mounted  riflemen  covered  the  front, 
flanks,  and  rear,  and  exchanged  positions 
with  each  other  as  the  ground  varied,  so  as 
to  ensure  to  each  that  which  was  most  favor 
able. 

At  some  distance  above  Fort  Harrison,  two 
routs  presented  themselves  ;  one,  which  was 
the  shorter,  along  the  south  bank  of  the  Wa- 
bash,  but  which  passed  through  a  woody  and 
uneven  country ;  while  the  other,  on  the  op 
posite  bank  of  the  river,  led,  for  the  most  part, 
through  level  and  open  prairies.  To  deceive 
the  enemy,  the  governor,  advanced  upon  the 
south  side  of  the  river,  for  some  miles,  when 
suddenly  he  changed  his  direction,  crossed 
the  stream,  and  pursued  the  northern  road. 
By  this  manoeuvre  the  Indians  were  completely 
deceived,  and  the  troops  advanced  for  sev 
eral  days  without  seeing  any  traces  of  the 
enemy. 


95 


For  the  purpose  of  keeping  himself  inform 
ed  of  the  movements  and  proceedings  of  the 
prophet,  the  governor  employed  a  number  of 
Indian  scouts.  Hearing  nothing  from  these 
scouts,  and  seeing  nothing  of  the  enemy,  the 
governor  became  alarmed,  lest  the  prophet 
might  have  passed  the  flanks  of  the  army  and 
advanced  toward  the  settlements.  This  was 
a  mano3uvre  perfectly  practicable.  Vincennes 
was  but  an  outpost;  and  the  settlements  ex 
tending  from  it  towards  the  falls  of  the  Ohio, 
formed  a  narrow  line  of  little  strength,  and 
difficult  to  be  defended.  Besides,  a  large 
proportion  of  the  able  bodied  men  were  pres 
ent  with  the  army.  Impressed  with  this  dan 
ger,  and  desirous  at  all  events  to  save  the  set 
tlements  from  the  miseries  of  Indian  devasta 
tion,  the  governor  diminished  his  small  force 
by  despatching  Major  Jordan,  an  officer  in 
whom  he  had  great  confidence,  to  Vincennes, 
with  forty  picked  men  from  among  the  mount 
ed  riflemen,  and  with  minute  directions  for 
the  defence  and  protection  of  that  place,  and 
the  neigboring  settlements. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Virmillion  river,  the 
trail  quitted  the  banks  of  the  Wabash  ;  and 


96 

a  block  house  was  here  erected  for  the  protec 
tion  of  the  boats  which  thus  far  had  trans 
ported  the  provisions  and  baggage  of  the 
troops.  On  the  4th  of  November,  r after 
marching  for  a  long  distance,  through  open 
prairies,  they  approached  towards  Pine  creek, 
a  stream,  with  rocky,  steep  and  woody 
banks,  presenting  but  few  places  where  it 
can  be  crossed.  The  Indian  trail,  on  which 
they  were  marching,  crossed  the  river  by  an 
extremely  difficult  defile,  which  twice  before, 
in  their  wars  with  the  uhites,  had  been  select 
ed  by  the  Indians  as  a  place  of  attack.  To 
avoid  this  dangerous  passage,  the  governor, 
encamped  on  the  creek ;  and  having  caused  a 
search  to  be  made  during  the  night,  another 
and  much  more  practicable  crossing  place 
was  discovered  some  miles  further  up,  by 
which  the  troops  crossed  the  next  morning. 

On  the  5th,  the  troops  encamped  within 
nine  or  ten  miles  of  the  Prophet's  town.  The 
march  was  recommenced  the  next  day  ;  and 
after  advancing  three  or  four  miles,  several 
parties  of  Indians  began  to  show  themselves. 
The  interpreters  wure  now  placed  with  the 
advanced  guard,  and  attempts  were  made  to 


97 

open  a  communication  with  the  Indians ;  but 
they  would  return  no  answer,  or  only  replied 
by  insulting  gestures.  Within  about  three 
miles  of  the  town,  the  ground  became  broken, 
difficult  and  woody.  The  path  descended  a 
steep  hill  and  crossed  a  creek,  passing 
through  thick  woods,  intersected  by  deep 
ravines.  This  was  a  very  favorable  point 
for  an  attack  ;  and  the  greatest  precaution  as 
well  as  haste  were  used  in  maneuvering  the 
army  through  this  difficult  pass.  All  this  time 
the  Indians  appeared  in  considerable  numbers 
on  the  front  and  flanks,  but  all  attempts  at  open 
ing  a  communication  with  them  were  unavail 
ing  ;  and  when  an  officer  was  sent  forward 
with  a  flag,  he  was  obliged  to  return  on  account 
of  the  attempts  of  a  numerous  party  of  In 
dians  to  cut  him  off  from  the  army.  Howev 
er,  as  they  approached  the  town,  three  In 
dians,  one  a  principal  counsellor  of  the 
prophet,  came  forward  and  inquired  why 
the  army  was  advancing  upon  them,  at  the 
same  time,  declaring  the  wish  of  the  prophet 
to  avoid  hostilities,  and  averring  that  he  had 
sent  a  pacific  message  by  certain  Indian 
chiefs,  who  unfortunately  had  taken  the  wrong 
8 


98 


path,  and  had  proceeded  down  the  south  side 
of  the  Wabash. 

Having  heard  these  declarations,  the  gov 
ernor  consented  to  a  suspension  of  hostilities, 
and  a  meeting  was  appointed  for  the  next  day 
to  agree  on  terms  of  peace.  The  proper  offi 
cers  were  then  despatched,  to  seek  a  conve 
nient  place  for  encampment,  who  soon  reported 
that  they  had  found  near  a  stream,  an  eleva 
ted  spot,  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  an 
open  prairie,  with  wood  and  water  convenient. 
Here  the  army  encamped  for  the  night,  about 
three  quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  prophet's 
town.  Every  precaution  was  taken  against 
an  attack.  The  troops  were  posted  in  a  hol 
low  square,  and  slept  upon  their  arms,  with 
orders  to  each  corps,  if  attacked  during  the 
night,  to  maintain  its  position  at  all  hazards 
till  relieved.  The  dragoons,  who  occupied 
the  centre,  were  kept  as  a  reserve,  and  were 
directed  in  case  of  attack,  to  parade  dismount 
ed,  and  wait  for  orders.  After  reconnoitering 
the  whole  ground,  the  governor  called  the 
officers  together,  and  gave  particular  direc 
tions  to  each  how  to  draw  up  and  dispose  of 
his  men,  in  case  of  attack,  and  what  meas- 


99 


ures  to  take  under  all  the  circumstances 
which  were  likely  to  occur.  After  receiving 
these  orders  the  officers  retired  to  rest,  much 
dissatisfied  at  the  prospect  of  returning  home 
without  a  battle. 

Indeed,  there  was  not  a  single  individual  in 
the  camp,  who  believed  that  an  attack  would 
be  made  that  night.  The  governor  and 
those  officers  who  were  best  acquainted  with 
the  Indian  mode  of  fighting  were  the  least 
apprehensive  on  this  point.  They  did  not 
believe  that  the  Indians  would  dare  to  attack 
by  night,  an  army  so  favorably  posted ;  for  in 
the  dark  they  lose  the  peculiar  advantage 
they  possess  in  the  day  time,  from  the  accu 
racy  of  their  rifles,  and  their  dexterity 
in  covering  themselves  with  trees,  logs, 
and  bushes.  The  muskets,  buck-shot,  and 
bayonets  of  a  body  of  firm  and  disciplined 
troops,  must  in  a  night  attack,  always  prevail 
over  the  rifles  of  the  Indians.  The  governor 
indeed  expected,  that  sooner  or  later,  the 
prophet  would  attack  him  by  treachery  or 
ambuscade  ;  but  he  supposed  that  some  op 
portunity  would  be  selected  more  promising 
of  success.  Whatever  opinions  were  enter- 


100 

tained  as  to  the  likelihood  of  an  attack,  every 
possible  precaution  was  taken  to  be  prepared 
against  it.  The  camp  was  surrounded  by  a 
chain  of  sentinels,  posted  at  such  a  distance 
as  to  give  notice  of  the  approach  of  the  ene 
my  in  time  for  the  troops  to  take  their  position, 
yet  not  so  distant  as  to  prevent  their  retreat, 
if  overpowered  by  numbers.  In  civilized 
warfare,  picquets  or  detached  guards,  are  fre 
quently  posted  at  a  considerable  distance  from 
the  camp,  and  on  the  roads  leading  to  it. 
Against  Indians  such  guards  are  useless,  for 
they  do  not  require  a  road  on  which  to  move, 
and  these  detached  parties  would  always  be 
cut  off  by  their  superior  adroitness. 

In  conformity  to  a  general  order,  the  troops 
went  to  rest  with  their  clothes  and  accoutre 
ments  on,  their  muskets  loaded  by  their  sides, 
and  their  bayonets  fixed.  The  officers  were 
ordered  to  sleep  in  the  same  manner  ;  and  it 
was  the  governor's  constant  practice  to  be 
completely  ready  to  mount  his  horse  at  a  mo 
ment's  warning.  The  night  passed  without  any 
disturbance,  and,  the  governor  and  his  aids 
rose  about  a  quarter  of  four,  and  were  sitting  in 
conversation  about  the  fire.  The  moon  had 


101" 

risen,  but  afforded  little  light,  in  consequence 
of  floating  clouds,  from  which  occasionally  fell 
a  small  drizzling  rain.  In  a  few  minutes  the 
signal  would  have  been  given  for  the  troops 
to  turn  out,  when  the  Indian  rifles  were 
heard,  and  the  attack  commenced.  The  In 
dian  warriors  had  crept  up  close  to  the  sen 
tries,  with  the  design  to  rush  forward  and 
despatch  them  before  they  could  fire.  One 
of  them  however  discovered  an  Indian  creep 
ing  towards  him  through  the  grass,  and 
fired.  This  was  immediately  followed  by 
the  Indian  yell,  and  a  desperate  charge  up 
on  the  rear  angle  of  the  left  flank  ;  the  firing 
at  once  became  very  severe ;  but  as  soon  as  the 
men  could  be  formed  and  posted,  they  returned 
it  with  spirit,  and  maintained  their  ground  with 
desperate  valor.  All  the  camp  fires  were  im 
mediately  extinguished,  their  light  being  more 
useful  to  the  Indians  than  to  our  men. 

The  governor  immediately  mounted  his 
horse  and  proceeded  to  the  point  of  attack, 
which  he  strengthened  by  two  companies 
drawn  from  the  centre  of  the  rear  line.  A 
heavy  fire  now  commenced  all  along  the 
left  flank,  upon  the  whole  of  the  front  and 
8* 


102 

right  flank,  and  upon  a  part  of  the  rear  line. 
The  Indians  advanced    and    retreated  by   a 
rattling  noise  made  with  deer's  hoofs.     They 
fought  with   enthusiasm,    and    seemed  deter 
mined  upon  victory.     The  governor    employ 
ed  himself  in  encouraging  and  supporting  the 
men  at  those  points  where  they  were  hardest 
pressed  ;  and    he   ordered   several  changes  of 
position  on  the  part  of  particular  corps,   such 
as  the  circumstances  of  the   contest   seemed 
to  require,  in  all  of  which  the  men  were  con 
ducted  ar,d   formed  by   himself.     As  daylight 
appeared,  the    left  flank,  which  was  the  most 
accessible    part    of    the    encampment,   was 
strengthened  by   troops   drawn  from  the  front 
and    rear    line.      The  dragoons    were   now 
mounted,  and,  covered    by  them,  a  successful 
charge  was  made    upon  the    enemy,    by  the 
troops  on   the   left  flank.     The  Indians  were 
driven   into  a  swamp,  through  which  the  cav 
alry  could  not  penetrate.    At  the  same  time  a 
charge  was  made  on  the  right  flank,  and  the 
Indians  in  that  quarter  put   to  flight  ;  after 
which  they    disappeared  from   the  field  and 
the  battle  ended. 

The  prophet,  it  was  said,  took  no   active 


103 

part  in  the  fight,  but  remained  secure  on  a 
neighboring  eminence,  singing  a  war  song. 
He  had  promised  his  followers  that  the  Great 
Spirit  would  charm  the  bullets  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  so  that  they  would  drop  harmless  ;  and 
that  the  Indians  should  have  light,  while  their 
opponents  were  involved  in  thick  darkness. 
Being  told  that  his  men  were  falling  he 
bade  them  fight  on,  and  they  would  soon  see 
the  fulfilment  of  his  prophecies.  Tecumthe 
was  not  present  at  this  engagement,  being 
on  a  visit  to  the  southern  Indians,  whom  he 
hoped  to  engage  in  his  confederacy  against 
the  United  States. 

Governor  Harrison's  forces  consisted  of 
about  800  men.  The  killed  amounted  to 
sixty-one,  and  the  wounded  were  about 
double  that  number,  Among  the  killed  were 
two  or  three  distinguished  citizens  of  Ken 
tucky,  who  had  volunteered  for  the  expedi 
tion.  The  governor  himself  had  a  narrow 
escape,  the  hair  of  his  head  being  cut  by  a 
rifle  ball.  The  Indians,  whose  force  was 
supposed  to  be  about  800  or  a  thousand,  left 
thirty-eight  warriors  dead  upon  the  field,  and 
buried  many  in  the  town,  who  were  removed 


104 

during  the  battle.  Their  loss  was  at  least  as 
great  as  that  of  the  Americans — a  very  unusual 
or  rather  unprecedented  thing.  It  is  the  custom 
of  the  Indians,  always  to  avoid  a  close  action, 
and  from  their  dexterity  in  hiding  themselves, 
but  few  can  be  killed  in  any  battle.  At  St. 
Glair's  defeat,  it  is  believed  that  not  ten  In 
dians  were  killed,  and  at  Braddock's,  still 
fewer.  Even  in  the  decisive  victory  gained 
by  Gen.  Wayne,  but  very  few  of  the  Indians 
fell.  At  Tippecanoe,  they  displayed  a  pecu 
liar  boldness — a  conduct  attributed  to  the  con 
fidence  with  which  the  prophet  had  inspired 
them,  and  to  the  distinguished  bravery  of  the 
Winebago  warriors. 

The  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  gave  rise  to  an 
infinite  deal  of  discussion,  in  the  West,  and 
throughout  the  whole  country.  The  conduct 
of  the  governor,  in  consenting  to  a  cessation 
of  hostilities,  in  the  selection  of  a  camp,  and 
in  the  conduct  of  the  battle,  were  criticised 
and  canvassed  in  every  form.  Some  from  a 
desire  to  show  their  superior  sagacity,  after 
the  affair  was  ended  ;  others  instigated  by  a 
hostility  to  the  administration  under  whose  or 
ders  Governor  Harrison  had  acted;  and  others 


106 

who  had  lost  friends  in  the  action,  and  whose 
judgment  was  perverted  by  their  private  grief, 
blamed  this,  that,  and  the  other  point  of  the 
governor's  conduct ;  and  Colonel  Boyd,  the 
commander  of  the  regiment  of  regular  troops, 
made  an  attempt  to  carry  off  all  the  honor  of 
the  victory — an  attempt  however,  in  which  he 
was  resisted  by  the  whole  body  of  his  own 
officers. 

After  all  these  discussions,  the  public  mind 
settled  down  into  the  opinion  that  the  govern 
or  had  acted  with  the  greatest  energy,  pru 
dence,  and  sagacity  ;  and  that  to  his  coolness 
and  courage,  the  defeat  of  the  Indians  ,was  to 
be  ascribed.  The  Legislature  of  Indiana  ap 
proved  his  conduct  in  the  highest  terms;  and 
the  Legislature  of  Kentucky,  having  voted  to 
go  into  mourning  for  the  citizens  of  that  State 
slain  in  the  battle,  on  the  motion  of  John  J. 
Crittenden,  now  a  distinguished  member  of 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  resolved, 
"  That  in  the  late  campaign  against  the  In 
dians  on  the  Wabash,  Governor  W.  H.  Har 
rison,  has,  in  the  opinion  of  this  Legislature, 
behaved  like  a  hero,  a  patriot,  and  a  general ; 
and  that,  for  his  cool,  deliberate,  skilful  and 


106 

gallant  conduct  in  the  late  battle  of  Tippeca- 
noe,  he  well  deserves  the  warmest  thanks  of 
the  nation." 

The  battle  was  thus  spoken  of  in  Presi 
dent  Madison's  message,  communicating  the 
official  account  of  it  to  Congress.  "  While  it 
is  deeply  to  be  lamented  that  so  many  valua 
ble  lives  have  been  lost  in  the  action,  Con 
gress  will  see  with  satisfaction,  the  dauntless 
spirit  and  fortitude,  victoriously  displayed  by 
every  description  of  troops  engaged,  as  well  as 
the  collected  firmness  which  distinguished 
their  commander  on  an  occasion  requiring 
the  utmost  exertion  of  valor  and  discipline." 

To  these  official  attestations,  let  us  here 
add  the  testimony  of  a  private  soldier  of  the 
4th  Regiment.  It  is  taken  from  a  work  pub 
lished  in  1816,  in  Keene,  New  Hampshire, 
entitled,  "A  Journal  of  two  Campaigns  of  the 
4th  Regiment  of  United  States  Infantry,  by 
Adam  Walker,  a  private  in  the  4th  Regi 
ment."  Mr.  Walker  was  a  person  with  whom 
Governor  Harrison,  had  no  acquaintance, 
and  he  may  be  supposed  to  express  the  opin 
ion  of  the  common  soldiers  employed  in  that 
expedition.  On  page  31,  speaking  of  the  bat- 


107 

tie  of  Tippecanoe,  he  says,  "General  Harrison 
received  a  shot  through  the  rim  of  his  hat. 
In  the  heat  of  the  action  his  voice  was  fre 
quently  heard  and  easily  distinguished,  giving 
his  orders  in  the  same  calm,  cool,  and  col 
lected  manner,  with  which  we  had  been  used 
to  receive  them  on  drill  or  parade.  The 
confidence  of  the  troops  in  the  General,  was 
unlimited." 

Again,  speaking  of  a  small  portion  of  the 
militia  who  had  become  dissatisfied,  at  being 
detained  from  home  longer  than  they  expect 
ed,  this  writer  observes,  "  He,  (i.  e.  General 
Harrison,)  appeared  not  disposed  to  de 
tain  any  man  against  his  inclination,  being 
endowed  by  nature  with  a  heart  as  humane 
as  brave ;  in  his  frequent  addresses  to  the 
militia,  his  eloquence  was  formed  to  persuade; 
appeals  were  made  to  reason  as  well  as  feel 
ing,  and  never  were  made  in  vain." 

The  whole  of  the  day  of  the  battle,  was 
spent  in  taking  care  of  the  wounded,  burying 
the  dead,  and  fortifying  the  camp.  The  next 
day  the  dragoons  and  mounted  riflemen  were 
sent  to  reconnoiter  the  town.  They  found  it 
fortified  with  much  care  and  labor,  but  totally 


108 

deserted.  A  great  quantity  of  corn  was  left 
behind,  all  the  household  utensils,  and  even  a 
few  guns  and  some  ammunition.  The  town 
had  evidently  been  abandoned  in  great  haste. 
Some  dead  were  found  in  it,  and  quite  a  num 
ber  partially  buried  in  the  gullies  adjacent. 
Every  thing  that  could  be  useful  to  the  army 
was  removed,  and  the  town  was  then  burned. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th,  the  troops  were 
put  in  motion  on  their  return.  It  required 
every  wagon  to  transport  the  wounded.  The 
governor  called  the  officers  together,  explained 
to  them  the  necessity  of  destroying  the  bag 
gage,  and  set  the  example  by  ordering  his  own 
camp  furniture  to  be  broken  and  burned.  The 
army  arrived  without  interruption  at  the  block 
house  on  the  Wabash,  where  the  wounded  were 
embarked  in  boats,  and  the  rest  of  the  troops 
continued  on  by  land  to  Vincennes. 

In  December  following,  deputies  from  vari 
ous  tribes  arrived  at  Vincennes  to  endeavor  to 
accommodate  matters;  and  in  March  there 
came  another  delegation  from  all  the  late  hos 
tile  tribes  except  the  Shawnese.  It  was  rep 
resented  that  since  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe, 
the  prophet  had  been  a  wanderer,  attended  by 


1C9 

only  a  few  followers,  and  that  his  influence 
was  very  much  diminished.  Every  thing 
promised  fair  for  a  settlement  of  difficulties ; 
but  several  circumstances  conspired  to  pre 
vent  it.  The  first  was,  the  return  of  Tecum- 
the  from  the  south,  who  again  took  the  lead, 
and  stirred  up  the  Indians  to  resistance.  A 
second  obstacle  in  the  way  of  a  satisfactory  ar 
rangement  was  the  withdrawal  of  the  regular 
troops  which  had  been  stationed  at  Vincen- 
nes,  and  whose  presence  had  served  as  a 
check  to  the  hostile  tribes.  But  what  had  the 
greatest  influence  of  all,  and  tended  wholly  to 
neutralize  the  advantages  which  might  other 
wise  have  been  derived  from  the  victory  of 
Tippecanoe,  was  the  commencement  of  the 
war  with  Great  Britain,  by  which  means  the 
Indians  were  encouraged  and  enabled  to  re 
new  hostilities  ;  and  Tecurrtthe  found  an  ally 
able  and  eager  to  second  all  his  plans. 


no 


CHAPTER     V. 

War  with  Great  Britain — Circumstances  which  led  fo 
the  appointment  of  Harrison  to  the  command  of  the 
Northwestern  army — Extent  of  his  authority — Difficul 
ties  to  be  encountered — Harrison's  influence  with  the 
Militia — Anecdotes — Plan  of  the  Campaign — Obsta 
cles  in  the  way — Harrison  recommends  the  construction 
of  a  flat  on  Lake  Erie— ^Battle  of  the  river  Raisin — 
End  of  the  Campaign-— Expedition  against  the  Indians. 

IMMEDIATELY  after  the  declaration  of  war 
against  Great  Britain,  Governor  Harrison  de 
termined  to  put  the  territory  in  the  best  pos 
ture  of  defence,  which  circumstances  admit 
ted  :  and  he  left  Vincennes  for  the  eastern 
part  of  the  territory,  for  the  purpose  of  re 
viewing  and  disciplining  the  militia.  During 
this  absence  from  the  seat  of  government,  he 
visited  Cincinnati,  where  his  family  then  was; 
and  while  there  he  received  a  letter  from  Gov 
ernor  Scott,  of  Kentucky,  urging  him  to  come 
to  Frankfort,  in  order  to  consult  and  advise 
respecting  the  disposition  of  the  Kentucky 
volunteers,  assembled  for  the  protection  of  the 
Northwestern  frontier.  He  went  accordingly, 
and  was  received  at  Frankfort  with  military 


Ill 

honors,  and  the  greatest  enthusiasm  on  the 
part  of  the  people.  Soon  after  his  arrival 
orders  were  received  from  the  war  department 
placing  a  portion  of  the  Kentucky  quota  un 
der  his  command  for  the  protection  of  the 
territory  of  which  he  was  governor.  The  re 
mainder  were  ordered  to  concentrate  at 
Georgetown,  for  the  purpose  of  marching  from 
that  place  to  reinforce  General  Hull,  who  was 
already  getting  into  difficulty,  and  calling 
urgently  for  more  troops. 

While  the  governor  was  employed  in  get 
ting  ready  the  Kentucky  troops  which  were  to 
march  to  Vincennes,  letters  were  received 
from  Detroit,  from  several  principal  officers  in 
the  army,  written  a  few  days  previous  to  the 
attack  upon  that  place  by  the  British,  stating 
their  entire  want  of  confidence  in  their  com 
mander,  and  their  apprehension  of  some  fatal 
disaster  from  his  miserable  arrangements,  and 
apparent  imbecility  and  cowardice.  These 
letters  also  declared  it  to  be  the  common  wish 
of  the  army  that  Governor  Harrison  should  ac 
company  the  expected  reinforcements. 

Governor  Harrison  was  very  popular  in 
Kentucky,  and  the  wish  thus  expressed  by  the 


112 

officers  of  Hull's  army,  was  warmly  concurred 
in  by  the  Kentucky  volunteers.  But  the 
authority  he  had  received  from  the  president 
did  not  entitle  him  to  command  any  troops 
not  intended  to  operate  in  the  territories  of 
Indiana  and  Illinois. 

The  feeling  however  in  favor  of  his  appoint 
ment  to  the  command  was  very  strong  ;  and 
there  were  many  inducements  which  weighed 
powerfully  with  Governor  Scott  to  confer  it 
upon  him.  However,  there  were  difficulties 
in  the  way,  from  the  fact  that  he  was  not  a 
citizen  of  Kentucky,  and  from  other  circum 
stances  connected  with  the  organization  of 
the  troops.  In  this  dilemma  Governor  Scott 
called  together  a  caucus  of  influeniial  persons, 
composed  of  Shelby,  the  governor  elect,  Henry 
Clay,  speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  in  Congress,  Thomas  Todd,  judge  of  the 
Federal  Circuit  Court,  and  some  others.  These 
persons,  after  consultation,  unanimously  re 
solved  to  advise  the  governor  to  give  Har 
rison  a  brevet  commission  of  major  gene 
ral  in  the  Kentucky  militia,  and  author 
ise  him  to  take  command  of  the  detachment 
marching  to  Detroit.  This  was  accordingly 


113 

done ;  and  the  appointment  was  hailed  with 
approbation  by  the  citizens  generally,  and 
especially  by  the  volunteers,  who  had  already 
arrived  at  Cincinnati  on  their  march  to  the 
north.  The  news  of  Hull's  surrender,  which 
was  received  just  at  this  time,  caused  the  ap 
pointment  of  Harrison  to  be  regarded  with 
feelings  of  still  warmer  approbation. 

General  Harrison  accepted  the  appointment, 
and  entered  upon  the  duties  of  it  with  great 
zeal  and  spirit.  But  his  operations  were  pre 
sently  interrupted  by  the  receipt  of  letters 
from  the  war  department  written  in  ignorance 
both  of  the  surrender  of  Hull  and  of  what  had 
been  done  in  Kentucky,  appointing  General 
Winchester  to  take  command  of  the  troops 
marching  to  Detroit.  At  the  same  time 
Harrison  received  an  appointment  of  briga 
dier-general  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  which  appointment,  however,  he  de 
clined  to  accept,  being  desirous  that  the  war 
department  should  be  first  informed  of  the  ar 
rangements  by  which  he  had  been  appointed 
to  the  command  of  the  Kentucky  troops.  In 
the  meantime  these  troops  had  inarched  to 
the  Northwestern  frontier  of  Ohio,  and  Gen. 
9* 


114 

Harrison  having  first  succeeded  in  relieving 
Fort  Wayne,  which  had  been  besieged  by 
the  Indians,  and  in  destroying  the  Indian 
towns  on  the  Wabash,  resigned  the  command 
to  General  Winchester,  who  had  arrived  at 
the  camp. 

Winchester  had  been  an  officer  in  the  rev 
olutionary  army,  and  was  now  advanced  in 
life.  He  was  a  wealthy  citizen  of  Tennessee, 
where  he  had  lived  many  years  in  a  style  of 
elegant  luxury  and  ease,  little  calculated  to 
season  him  for  a  northern  campaign  in  the 
woods.  His  arrival  produced  great  uneasiness 
among  the  troops.  They  had  confidently  ex 
pected  that  General  Harrison  would  be  con 
firmed  in  the  command ;  and  by  this  time  his 
affable  and  courteous  address,  and  his  indefat 
igable  attention  to  the  duties  of  his  station, 
had  secured  the  confidence  of  every  soldier  in 
the  army.  The  volunteers  especially  were 
very  loud  in  their  expressions  of  dissatisfaction 
at  the  change  of  command  ;  and  General  Har 
rison  had  to  exert  his  utmost  influence  to  re 
concile  the  army  to  it.  At  last  the  men  con 
sented  to  march  under  Winchester,  with  a 
confident  belief,  however,  that  as  soon  as  the 


115 

case  was  understood  by  the  war  department, 
General  Harrison  would  be  reinstated  in  com 
mand. 

This  expectation  of  the  soldiers  was  soon 
realized  ;  for  in  a  few  days  General  Harrison 
received  a  despatch  informing  him  that  he  had 
been  appointed  by  the  president  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  Northwestern  army,  with  orders 
to  protect  the  western  frontier,  retake  Detroit, 
destroy  the  British  establishments  at  Maiden, 
and  to  penetrate  as  far  as  possible  into  Can 
ada.  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Shelby,  of  Ken 
tucky,  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  of  simulta 
neous  date,  it  was  stated,  that  to  meet  existing 
contingencies,  "it  had  been  determined  to  vest 
the  command  of  all  the  forces  on  the  western 
and  northwestern  frontiers  in  an  officer  whose 
military  character  and  knowledge  of  the  coun 
try  appeared  to  be  combined  with  the  public 
confidence."  "  General  Harrison,"  adds  the 
letter,  "  has  accordingly  been  appointed  to  the 
chief  command,  with  authority  to  employ 
officers,  and  to  draw  from  the  public  stores, 
and  every  other  practicable  source,  all  the 
means  of  effectuating  the  object  of  his  com 
mand." 


116 

The  authority  thus  bestowed  upon  General 
Harrison  was  more  extensive  and  important 
than  was  ever  entrusted  to  any  other  officer 
in  the  military  service  of  the  United  States, 
Washington  and  Greene  alone  excepted.  He 
was  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  whole 
Northwestern  frontier,  from  the  confines  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Ohio,  to  the  territory  of 
Missouri ;  and  in  addition  he  was  to  carry  on 
offensive  operations  against  the  enemy  for 
the  recovery  of  the  posts  and  territory  which 
Hull  had  surrendered  into  their  hands,  and  for 
the  conquest  of  Maiden,  their  principal  depot 
and  head-quarters  in  Upper  Canada. 

Every  circumstance  almost  conspired  to 
surround  this  command  with  the  most  formi 
dable  difficulties.  The  troops  with  which  the 
operations  ware  to  be  carried  on  consisted 
almost  entirely  of  volunteers  and  militia  from 
Kentucky  and  the  other  western  States.  These 
men  were  altogether  unused  to  military  ser 
vice  of  any  kind,  without  the  slightest  tincture 
of  discipline,  and  wholly  indisposed  by  all 
their  feelings  and  habits,  to  that  implicit  obe 
dience  so  necessary  in  an  army.  The  enthu 
siasm  which  led  them  to  volunteer  quickly 


117 

evaporated  amid  the  extreme  hardships  and 
privations  to  which  they  were  exposed  ;  they 
were  always  more  ready  to  give  advice  than  to 
obey  orders  ;  and  with  the  exception  of  their 
courage,  which  was  undeniable,  and  that  per 
sonal  hardihood  without  which  they  never 
could  have  endured  the  hardships  of  that  ser 
vice,  they  possessed  but  few  military  qualities, 
and  furnished  very  intractable  materials  for 
the  formation  of  an  army.  The  officers  were 
as  ignorant  of  discipline  as  the  men ;  and 
were  wholly  unacquainted  with  the  principles 
of  military  science.  In  the  most  delicate  and 
important  parts  of  the  service  they  were  able 
to  afford  the  commander-in-chief  hardly  any 
assistance  ;  and  indeed  often  placed  him  in 
the  most  embarrassing  situations.  What  ag 
gravated  all  these  difficulties  was  the  extreme 
deficiency  and  confusion  of  those  departments 
of  the  service,  whose  business  it  was  to  furnish 
supplies  of  cbthing  and  provisions.  There 
was  a  great  deficiency  even  of  arms  and  mili 
tary  stores.  Almost  every  thing  for  the  sup^ 
ply  of  the  army,  provisions  excepted,  had  to 
be  transported  from  the  Atlantic  states  ;  and 
owing  to  the  limited  means  of  transportation 


118 

which  existed  in  those  days,  and  the  constant 
failure  of  contractors  to  fulfil  what  they  had 
undertaken,  there  was  almost  always  a  de 
ficiency,  which  often  became  alarming. 

The  posts  which  Harrison  was  ordered  to 
recover  were  separated  from  the  frontier  set 
tlements  by  a  swampy  forest  two  hundred 
miles  in  extent,  without  roads  or  inhabitants, 
and  in  many  places  totally  impassable  by 
wagons. 

The  enemy  he  had  to  encounter  consisted 
of  trained  and  disciplined  British  troops,  well 
supplied  with  every  thing  necessary,  and  aided 
by  a  large  body  of  Indians,  who  were  sup 
ported  by  British  rations,  and  commanded  by 
a  chief  of  the  greatest  sagacity,  energy  and 
courage.  The  enemy  also  had  the  double 
advantage  of  being  concentrated  within  a  small 
compass,  and  of  commanding  Lake  Erie  by 
means  of  a  fleet;  while  the  vast  extent  of  the 
Amerian  frontier  presented  them  a  great  num 
ber  of  points  of  attack,  any  of  which  they 
could  select  at  pleasure,  and  by  this  harassing 
warfare,  distract  the  attention  and  delay  the 
advance  of  the  American  force. 

To  any  one  who  will  take  into  considera- 


119 

tion  all  these  circumstances,  it  will  be  suffi 
ciently  obvious  that  the  command  to  which 
General  Harrison  was  appointed  demanded 
energy,  perseverance,  and  indefatigable  activ 
ity  ;  and  that  no  man  could  succeed  in  it  who 
did  not  join  to  military  talents  of  a  high  order, 
a  knowledge  of  men  and  things,  and  a  fertility 
of  resource,  far  beyond  what  ordinarily  •suffi 
ces  for  a  military  commander.  He  had  an 
army  to  discipline,  and  in  fact  to  create;  this 
same  army  he  was  obliged  to  clothe  and  feed; 
and  to  this  was  joined  the  still  more  difficult 
task  of  keeping  it  obedient  and  contented  in 
the  midst  of  hardships  and  sufferings  of  no 
ordinary  character ;  all  this  he  had  to  perform 
besides  protecting  the  frontier,  fighting  the 
enemy,  and  the  ordinary  duties  of  a  command 
ing  general. 

The  authority  conferred  upon  him  was  co 
extensive  with  the  difficulties  of  his  command. 
He  was  authorised  to  make  appointments  in 
all  the  various  departments  of  the  army,  and 
the  officers  whom  he  thus  selected  were  con 
firmed  by  the  president.  He  was  at  liberty  to 
^raw  on  the  government  for  money  to  any 
amount,  and  to  make  any  contracts  which  he 


120 

might  deem  expedient  for  the  supply  of  his 
troops.  These  extraordinary  powers  he  ex 
ercised  with  energy,  but  at  the  same  time  with 
moderation  and  prudence ;  nor  did  he  ever 
transcend  the  respect  which  he  owed  to  the 
laws,  or  abuse  in  any  way  the  high  trust  thus 
confided  to  him. 

This  appointment,  it  deserves  to  be  remark 
ed,  was  obtained  by  General  Harrison  by 
means  of  no  party  or  personal  influence.  It 
was  bestowed  upon  him,  in  compliance  with 
the  almost  unanimous  wishes  of  the  western 
people,  and  by  a  president,  who  as  Secretary 
of  State  under  Jefferson,  had  kept  up  a  con 
stant  correspondence  with  him  in  relation  to 
the  territorial  affairs  of  Indiana,  and  who  had 
thus  enjoyed  an  ample  opportunity  of  estimat 
ing  his  capacity  and  character. 

The  first  grand  object  to  be  accomplished  by 
General  Harrison  was,  to  maintain  that  influ 
ence  over  the  troops  to  which  he  owed  his  ap 
pointment.  His  good  sense,  as  well  as  his  ex 
perience,  taught  him  that  militia — freemen 
serving  voluntarily  out  a  spirit  of  patriotism — 
did  not  expect,  nor  deserve,  nor  would  they  sub 
mit  to  the  same  kind  of  treatment  which  is 


121 

practiced  towards  mercenary  troops.  These 
volunteers  consisted  in  general  of  the  most 
high-spirited  young  men  from  among  a  free 
population  ;  they  had  talent,  intelligence,  and 
feelings  of  the  most  sensitive  kind  ;  and  their 
leaders  were  the  popular  men  of  the  district 
to  which  they  belonged.  It  would  have  shown 
a  bad  heart,  as  well  as  a  poor  knowledge  of  hu 
man  nature,  to  have  assumed  towards  such 
soldiers  an  arrogant  bearing,  and  to  have  at 
tempted  to  compel  their  obedience  by  severity 
and  rigor.  General  Harrison  proceeded  in  a 
different  method.  He  observed  a  strict  milita 
ry  etiquette,  and  required  a  prompt  and  exact 
attention  to  his  orders,  from  those  under  his 
command,  but  at  the  same  time  he  always 
treated  his  men  with  respect,  considering 
every  soldier  as  a  patriot  who  was  making 
sacrifices  for  his  country.  It  was  his  practice 
to  win  obedience  by  kindness,  and  to  enforce 
the  performance  of  duty  by  appeals  to  the 
reason  and  the  feelings.  During  the  whole 
of  his  command  he  never  suffered  a  degrading 
punishment  to  be  inflicted  upon  a  militia  sol 
dier.  He  had  no  occasion  to  shoot  deserters, 
or  to  flog  the  negligent.  Like  a  father  among 
10 


122 

his  children  he  often  gave  affectionate  admo 
nitions  in  private,  which  precluded  the  neces 
sity  of  a  public  exposure.  When  the  mis 
conduct  or  discontent  was  not  confined  merely 
to  individuals,  but  pervaded  whole  corps,  he 
availed  himself  of  his  remarkable  talent  for 
extemporaneous  speaking,  and  by  a  persua 
sive  eloquence  which  acted  at  once  upon  their 
heads  and  their  hearts,  he  recalled  the  troops 
to  a  sense  of  their  duty,  and  a  determination 
to  perform  it. 

A  striking  instance  of  the  influence  he  was 
thus  able  to  exert,  was  exhibited  shortly  after 
he  took  command  of  the  army.  Having  ar 
rived  late  at  night  at  the  encampment  at  fort 
Defiance,  he  was  waited  upon  by  the  officers 
of  one  of  the  Kentucky  regiments,  who  inform 
ed  him  that  their  men,  exhausted  by  the  hard 
ships  of  the  service,  and  disappointed  in  the 
expectation  of  an  immediate  engagement  with 
the  enerray,  had  resolved  to  return  home ;  and 
that  all  the  entreaties  or  arguments  of  their 
officers  could  not  avail  to  restrain  them.  In 
fart  their  appeals  had  been  answered  only  by 
insult,  and  they  called  upon  the  general  to  in 
terfere  at  once,  as  the  only  officer  likely  to 
bring  back  the  mutineers  to  their  duty. 


123 

The  general  declined  to  do  any  thing  that 
night,  but  gave  orders  that  the  next  morning 
the  drums  should  beat  the  alarm  instead  of 
the  reveille.  This  brought  all  the  troops  to 
their  arms;  and  in  conformity  to  a  previous 
order  they  were  formed  in  a  hollow  square. 
General  Harrison  now  appeared  on  parade, 
much  to  the  surprise  of  the  troops,  who  were 
ignorant  of  his  arrival.  He  proceeded  to 
harangue  them  on  the  subject  of  the  cam 
paign,  and  presently  alluded  to  the  difficulties 
which  existed  in  one  of  the  Kentucky  regi 
ments.  It  was  fortunate,  he  said,  that  he  had 
found  out  this  dissatisfaction  thus  early  in  the 
campaign.  It  was  now  easy,  without  any  in 
jury  to  the  service,  to  dismiss  those  who  were 
discontented  because,  while  making  war  in 
the  woods,  they  could  not  enjoy  all  the  luxu 
ries  of  peace  and  home.  They  were  at  liber 
ty  to  return, — he  only  pitied  them  for  the  re 
ception  they  would  be  likely  to  meet  with 
when  they  arrived  in  Kentucky ! — The  influ 
ence  of  this  address  was  powerful  arid  instan 
taneous.  Scott,  the  senior  Kentucky  colonel, 
called  out  to  his  troops  to  show  their  attach 
ment  to  the  service  and  their  general  by  giv- 


124 

ing  him  three  cheers.  To  this  appeal  the 
regiment  instantly  responded,  as  did  the  regi 
ment  of  Colonel  Lewis  to  a  similar  call  from 
him.  Alien,  the  commander  of  the  discon 
tented  regimentj  now  demanded  of  his  men 
whether  they  would  be  behind  the  rest  of  the 
Kentuckians  in  patriotism  and  fortitude? 
They  replied  with  the  same  shout  as  the  rest, 
and  from  that  time  the  project  of  returning 
home  was  heard  of  no  more. 

That  the  hardships  which  produced  these 
discontents  were  by  no  means  imaginary,  will 
appear  from  the  following  account  of  a  night's 
encampment  during  Harrison's  march  to  De 
fiance,  on  the  occasion  above  alluded  to.  He 
had  received  information — which  proved  how 
ever  to  be  unfounded — that  the  troops  at  De 
fiance  were  threatened  with  an  attack  from  a 
combined  force  of  British  and  Indians;  and 
he  proceeded  in  haste  from  St.  Mary's  to  their 
relief.  The  troops  being  on  a  forced  march, 
were  not  suffered  to  halt  till  dark.  On  the 
night  referred  to,  they  encamped  on  the  banks 
of  the  Au  Glaise,  in  a  level  beach  woods,  the 
ground  nearly  covered  with  water  from  the 
rain  which  fell  in  torrents  all  night.  They 


125 

had  no  axes,  and  could  only  procure  such  fuel 
as  was  furnished  by  the  dry  limbs  scattered  on 
the  ground.     Those  who  could  find  a  dry  log 
against  which  to  kindle  a  fire  were  fortunate 
indeed.     Many   sat  without   fire,   upon  their 
saddles,  leaning  against  the  trunks  of  trees, 
and   endeavoring  to  sleep.     Being  separated 
from  the  baggage,  few  had  any  thing  to  eat  or 
drink.     The  men  became  peevish,  and  were 
not  sparing  in  complaints.     To  check  this  bad 
feeling,  and  give  the  men  an  example  of  cheer 
fulness,  the  general,  who  sat  with  his  staff  by 
a  small  fire,  wrapped  in  his  cloak,  and  receiv 
ing  the  rain   as   it   fell,  called  on  one  of  his 
officers  to  sing  a  humorous  Irish  song.      An 
other  officer  sang  a  song,  with   the  folllowing 
chorus  : 

Now  's  the  time  for  mirth  and  glee, 
Sing1  and  laugh  and  dance  with  me  ! 

The  ludicrous  contrast  of  this  song  with  their 
actual  situation,  put  the  men  into  quite  a  good 
humor.  Indeed  this  chorus  afterwards  be 
came  proverbial  in  the  army,  and  was  always 
raised  upon  occasions  of  the  greatest  suffering 
and  fatigue. 

It  was  by  means  like  these,  that  General 
10* 


126 

Harrison  always  succeeded  in  controling  the 
feelings  of  his  men,  and  inspiring  them  with 
a  spirit  of  cheerfulness  arid  obedience  ;  and  it 
is  worthy  of  remark,  that  although  several  de 
tached  expeditions  within  the  range  of  his 
command,  were  totally  defeated  by  the  insub 
ordination  of  the  men  who  composed  them, 
and  their  refusal  to  obey  orders,  nothing  of 
the  kind  ever  occurred  when  he  was  present. 

It  was  late  in  September  before  General 
Harrison  received  his  appointment.  The  ad 
ministration  were  exceedingly  desirous  that 
he  should  accomplish  the  chief  objects  of  it, 
viz  :  the  recapture  of  Detroit,  the  conquest  of 
Maiden,  and  the  expulsion  of  the  British  force 
from  Upper  Canada, — during  that  campaign  ; 
and  the  greatest  efforts  were  made  for  that 
purpose. 

The  army  placed  under  his  command  con 
sisted  nominally  of  ten  thousand  men  ;  but 
the  effective  force  never  exceeded  six  thou 
sand.  It  was  composed  of  the  Kentucky 
regiments  already  in  the  field,  a  body  of  Ohio 
militia  also  already  under  arms,  and  two  brig 
ades  of  volunteers,  which  were  to  be  marched, 
one  from  Virginia,  and  the  other  from  Penn- 


127 

sylvania.     A  train  of  artillery  was  to  be  sup 
plied  from  Pittsburg. 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  formed  by  General 
Harrison  was  as  follows.  He  stationed  the 
left  wing  of  the  army,  the  command  of  which 
had  been  entrusted  to  General  Winchester,* 
and  which  consisted  principally  of  the  Ken 
tucky  troops,  at  Defiance.  The  right  wing, 
which  was  to  be  composed  of  the  Virginia  and 
Pennsylvania  brigades,  of  which  Harrison 
himself  assumed  the  immediate  command,  was 
to  concentrate  at  Upper  Sandusky.  The 
centre  corps  consisted  of  Ohio  troops,  com 
manded  by  General  Tupper,  and  was  station 
ed  at  fort  Me  Arthur.  At  these  several  points 
supplies  of  provisions  and  stores  were  to  be 
accumulated  ;  and  from  these  points  the  army 
was  to  move  to  the  rapids  of  the  Maumee, 
where  all  the  corps  were  to  be  united,  and 
whence  they  were  to  move  forward  for  ulterior 
operations  against  the  British  and  Indian 
enemy. 

*  When  Harrison  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
Northwestern  army,  Winchester  had  his  choice  to  remain 
with  that  army,  or  to  join  the  forces  on  the  Niagara  fron 
tier.  He  chose  to  remain. 


128 

Having  made  all  the  arrangements  in  his 
power  along  the  front  of  his  position,  the  gen 
eral  now  hastened  into  the  rear  to  push  for 
ward  the  supplies  essential  to  the  campaign. 
The  Kentucky  troops,  with  characteristic 
thoughtlessness,  had  left  home  in  summer 
dresses;  few  of  them  had  any  blankets  ;  and 
all  were  unprovided  with  the  clothing  neces 
sary  for  a  winter  campaign.  To  supply  this 
deficiency  was  not  easy.  The  articles  needed 
were  not  to  be  purchased  without  the  greatest 
difficulty;  and  the  general  found  himself  un 
der  the  necessity  of  appealing  to  the  patriot 
ism  of  the  Kentuckians  to  contribute  and  for 
ward  these  necessary  supplies.  The  appeal 
was  not  made  in  vain.  But  it  was  very  late 
before  the  soldiers  benefited  by  it. 

It  soon  became  obvious  that  if  the  recovery 
of  Detroit  was  to  be  accomplished  during  that 
campaign,  it  could  only  be  by  continuing 
operations  through  the  winter,  and  taking  ad 
vantage  of  the  frozen  ground  to  forward  sup 
plies,  and  of  the  frozen  surface  of  the  lake  to 
cross  over  and  attack  Maiden.  Indeed  the 
difficulties  by  which  the  expedition  was  sur 
rounded  seemed  to  increase  every  day.  The 


129 

three  points  above  mentioned,  upon  which  the 
supplies  of  the  army  were  to  be  accumulated, 
viz.  Defiance,  fort  Me  Arthur,  and  Upper 
Sandusky,  were  considerably  advanced  be 
yond  the  line  of  settlements,  and  the  roads  by 
which  they  were  approached  were  in  a  most 
terrible  condition,  which  was  aggravated  by 
the  excessive  rains  of  the  season.  The  de 
struction  of  pack-horses,  and  the  waste  and 
loss  which  occurred  in  the  transportation  of 
stores,  were  enormous,  and  though  vast  sums 
were  spent,  but  little  was  accomplished.  But 
to  get  forward  the  stores  to  these  points,  was 
in  fact  only  the  commencement  of  difficulties. 
Those  at  Defiance  might  indeed  be  transport 
ed  to  the  rapids  of  the  Maumee  by  a  water 
communication  down  the  river ;  but  those  ac 
cumulated  at  the  other  two  depots,  were  to  be 
carried  across  the  black  sivamp,  an  almost  im 
passable  barrier  which  stretched  along  paral 
lel  to  the  Maumee  from  the  Au  Glaise  to  lake 
Erie.  This  terrible  swamp,  it  seemed  almost 
impossible  to  cross,  except  when  it  was  harden 
ed  by  the  frosts  of  winter. 

It  soon  occurred  to  General  Harrison,  that 
the  best  arid  most  economical  way  to  accom- 


130 

plish  the  objects  of  the  campaign  was,  to  build 
a  fleet  on  lake  Erie,  and  having  obtained  the 
command  of  the  lake,  to  be  able  to  move  the 
army  and  its  stores  by  water.  The  necessity 
of  thus  getting  the  command  of  the  lake,  he 
early  suggested  in  his  correspondence  with 
the  war  department.  "  Admitting,"  he  wrote, 
"  that  Maiden  and  Detroit  are  both  taken, 
Macinaw  and  St.  Joseph's  will  both  remain 
in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  until  we  can  create 
a  force  capable  of  contending  with  the  vessels 
which  the  British  have  on  lake  Erie,  and 
which  they  will  be  able  to  maintain,  so  long 
as  the  canoe  route  by  Grand  River  and  lake 
Nipissin  shall  remain  to  them,  and  for  six 
months  longer."  Again,  urging  the  economy 
of  this  mode  of  operation,  he  says  in  the  same 
letter,  tf  I  should  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  if  a 
small  proportion  of  the  sums  which  will  be  ex 
pended  in  the  quartermaster's  department,  in 
the  active  prosecution  of  the  campaign  during 
the  winter,  was  devoted  to  obtaining  the  com 
mand  of  lake  Erie,  the  wishes  of  the  govern 
ment,  to  their  utmost  extent,  could  be  accom 
plished  without  difficulty,  in  the  months  of 
April  and  May.  Maiden,  Detroit  and  Mac- 


131 

inaw  would  fall  in  rapid  succession."  In  a 
subsequent  letter  he  still  urges  this  same  idea. 
"  Should  our  offensive  operations  be  suspend 
ed  until  spring,  it  is  my  decided  opinion  that 
the  most  effectual  and  cheapest  plan  will  be, 
to  obtain  command  of  lake  Erie.  This  being 
once  effected,  every  difficulty  will  be  remov 
ed.  An  army  of  four  thousand  men,  landed 
on  the  north  side  of  the  lake  below  Maiden, 
will  soon  reduce  that  place,  retake  Detroit, 
and  with  the  aid  of  the  fleet  proceed  down 
the  lake  to  co-operate  with  the  army  from 
Niagara." 

Soon  after  he  writes  again  as  follows.  "  I 
have  no  means  of  estimating  correctly  the  cost 
of  a  naval  armament,  capable  of  effecting  this 
object,  but  from  my  knowledge  of  the  cost  of 
transporting  supplies  through  a  swampy  wild 
erness,  I  do  believe  that  the  expense  which 
will  be  incurred  in  six  weeks  in  the  spring,  in 
an  attempt  to  transport  the  provisions  for  the 
army  along  the  road  leading  from  the  Rapids 
to  Detroit,  would  build  and  equip  the  vessels 
for  this  purpose." 

The  Virginia  brigade,  which  was  to  form  a 
part  of  Harrison's  army,  did  not  approach  the 


132 

scene  of  action  till  late  in  November ;  and  it 
was  December  before  the  Pennsylvania  troops 
arived  at  Upper  Sandusky.  About  the  same 
time  arrived  the  train  of  artillery  which  had 
been  promised,  but  in  which  the  general  was 
much  disappointed,  many  of  the  guns  being 
only  six  pounders,  and  the  carriages  of  the 
whole  extremely  defective,  and  hardly  fit  for 
service. 

Though  Harrison  was  satisfied  that  the 
command  of  the  lake  was  essential  to  the  en 
tire  success  of  the  enterprise  in  which  he  was 
engaged,  yet  as  the  war  department  seemed 
to  consider  the  recovery  of  Detroit  that  winter, 
an  object  of  much  importance,  he  was  resolv 
ed  to  persevere  in  the  attempt.  Detroit  he 
felt  certain  of  taking  at  all  events,  and  if  the 
frost  should  secure  him  a  passage  across  the 
lake,  he  expected  to  be  able  to  gain  possession 
of  Maiden  also. 

Having  now  collected  all  the  troops  of  the 
right  wing  at  Sandusky,  the  artillery  having 
arrived,  and  a  large  store  of  provisions  being 
accumulated,  orders  were  sent  to  General 
Winchester  to  move  down  from  Defiance  to 
the  Rapids,  to  which  point  it  was  designed  that 


133 

the  whole  army  should  shortly  march.  This 
movement  was  accomplished  by  Winchester 
on  the  10th  of  January,  1813;  but  he  took 
no  proper  means  to  inform  General  Harrison 
of  it.  When  he  left  the  Rapids  on  the  30th  of 
December,  he  despatched  a  message  with  in 
formation  of  the  fact,  which  did  not  reach  its 
destination  till  the  llth  of  January.  Orders 
were  immediately  issued  for  sending  forward 
a  part  of  the  artillery  and  a  quantity  of  pro 
visions.  On  the  16th  of  January,  the  general 
learned,  not  directly  from  Winchester,  but  in 
directly  from  General  Perkins,  who  command 
ed  a  body  of  troops  stationed  at  Lower  San- 
dusky,  that  Winchester  had  arrived  at  the 
Rapids,  and  that  he  was  meditating  a  move 
ment  against  the  enemy,  for  which  purpose  he 
solicited  a  battalion  from  General  Perkins. 
This  information  alarmed  Harrison  greatly. 
He  immediately  made  every  exertion  to  get 
forward  the  artillery,  stores  and  provisions, — 
a  business,  however,  which  went  on  very 
slowly,  on  account  of  the  extreme  badness  of 
the  roads. 

In  the  meantime  Winchester  had   under 
taken  an  enterprise  which  turned  out  very 
11 


134 

disastrously,    and  which  destroyed  all  hopes 
of  reducing  Detroit  or  Maiden  that  winter. 

On  the  river  Raisin,  which  empties  into  the 
head  of  lake  Erie,  within  the  boundaries  of 
Michigan,  was  a  small  French  settlement,  the 
inhabitants  of  which  sent  messengers  to  Gen 
eral  Winchester  at  the  Rapids,  requesting  his 
protection  against  a  British  and  Indian  force 
of  about  four  hundred  men,  from  whom,  now 
that  their  neighborhood  was  likely  to  become 
the  seat  of  war,  they  apprehended  the  destruc 
tion  of  their  town,  its  inhabitants  being  gen 
erally  favorable  to  the  American  cause. 
Frenchtown, — for  so  the  settlement  was  call 
ed, — was  thirty  miles  from  the  Rapids,  while 
it  was  only  eighteen  miles  from  Maiden,  the 
head-quarters  of  the  British,  from  which  place 
it  was  easily  accessible  over  the  frozen  surface 
of  the  lake. 

By  the  advice  of  a  council  of  officers  which 
Winchester  called  together,  he  resolved  to 
send  on  a  part  of  his  troops  to  the  river  Raisin  ; 
and  on  the  I7th  of  January,  Colonels  Lewis 
and  Allen  marched  at  the  head  of  about  six 
hundred  and  sixty  men.  The  next  day  they 
reached  Frenchtown,  and  after  a  sharp  action 


135 

with  the  forces  of  the  enemy,  which  had  pos 
session  of  the  place,  they  drove  them  out  and 
obtained  possession  of  it.  Colonel  Lewis, 
flushed  with  this  success,  resolved  to  hold  the 
town,  and  he  despatched  an  express  to  Win 
chester  to  inform  him  of  his  intention.  This 
news  raised  a  great  ferment  in  Winchester's 
camp.  It  was  evident  that  the  situation  of 
Lewis  was  critical,  on  account  of  his  vicinity 
to  Maiden  ;  but  all  were  eager  for  holding  the 
town,  and  all  were  anxious  to  march  for  the 
purpose  of  reinforcing  the  advanced  corps. 
Accordingly,  on  the  evening  of  the  19th,  Win 
chester  himself  moved  at  the  head  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  which  was  all  the  dis 
posable  force  which  the  camp  supplied,  and 
arriving  at  Frenchtown  on  the  night  of  the 
20th,  he  assumed  the  chief  command. 

The  troops  which  Lewis  had  led  were  en 
camped  among  garden  pickets,  sufficient  to 
afford  them  some  protection  against  musketry  ; 
but  the  force  which  arrived  under  Winchester 
took  their  station  in  an  open  field,  without 
any  cover.  During  the  whole  of  the  2 1st, 
notwithstanding  the  dangerous  position  of  the 
troops,  nothing  whatever  was  done  towards 


136 

fortifying  the  camp.  The  general  was  in 
formed  by  a  Frenchman  from  Maiden  that  a 
strong  force  was  about  marching  from  that 
place  to  attack  him.  He  paid  no  attention  to 
this  information,  but  took  up  his  quarters  in  a 
house  nearly  a  mile  from  the  camp,  and  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  He  even  omitted 
to  station  any  piquet  guard  on  the  road  lead 
ing  to  Maiden. 

Just  at  day  break  on  the  22d,  the  British  from 
Maiden,  who  had  approached  the  camp  unper- 
ceived,  opened  a  heavy  fire  upon  it  from  several 
pieces  of  artillery  loaded  with  grape  shot,  at  a 
distance  of  three  hundred  yards.  Though 
completely  surprised,  Lewis's  men  on  the 
right,  who  were  protected  by  the  pickets  about 
their  encampment,  maintained  their  ground 
with  much  spirit.  But  the  detachment  which 
had  arrived  under  Winchester,  on  the  left, 
being  totally  without  any  barrier  against  the 
enemy,  were  soon  thrown  into  confusion,  and 
fled  in  disorder  across  the  river,  carrying  with 
them  a  strong  detachment  from  the  right  which 
had  been  sent  to  their  aid.  All  attempts  to 
rally  the  fugitives  proved  vain;  and  the  Indi 
ans  who  had  gained  their  flank  and  rear,  pur- 


137 

sued  and  tomahawked  them  without  mercy. 
Some  few,  among  whom  was  General  Win 
chester,  were  taken  prisoners,  and  carried  to 
the  British  camp. 

In  the  mean  time  the  men  behind  the  pick 
ets  maintained  their  position  with  much  firm 
ness,  till  at  length  the  commander  of  the 
British  force  procured  an  order  from  Winches 
ter,  commanding  them  to  surrender.  As  their 
ammunition  was  nearly  exhausted,  and  as  they 
had  no  hopes  of  being  reinforced,  they  thought 
it  best  to  obey.  They  surrendered,  however, 
on  express  condition  of  being  protected  against 
the  fury  of  the  Indians. 

The  prisoners  who  were  able  to  march 
were  taken  off  to  Maiden  ;  the  wounded  were 
left  behind  in  the  houses  of  the  village,  with 
reiterated  promises  that  the  next  day  sleds 
should  be  sent,  and  they  should  be  removed, 
and  that  in  the  mean  time  they  need  appre 
hend  no  danger.  The  next  morning,  how 
ever,  instead  of  the  promised  sleds,  came  a 
party  of  Indians,  who  murdered  all  these 
wounded  prisoners  in  cold  blood  ! 

The  defeat  and  massacre  at  the  river  Raisin 
produced  an  extraordinary  sensation  through- 


138 

out  the  west,  and  particularly  in  Kentucky, 
The  volunteers  were,  many  of  them,  persons 
of  note;  as  it  was  a  long  time  before  the  sur 
viving  prisoners  were  heard  from,  it  was  long 
uncertain  who  had  escaped  ;  and  there  was 
scarcely  a  family  in  the  state  which  had  not 
a  relative  to  mourn  for. 

Some  persons  undertook  to  cast  the  blame 
of  this  affair  upon  General  Harrison  ;  but 
without  the  slightest  foundation.  It  appears 
from  what  has  been  related,  that  the  expedi 
tion  was  undertaken  totally  without  his  con 
sent  or  knowledge.  We  will  now  proceed  to 
state  the  steps  which  he  took,  so  soon  as  he 
heard  of  the  movement,  to  reinforce  General 
Winchester,  and  so  to  prevent  the  disastrous 
result  above  recounted. 

The  morning  after  General  Harrison  heard 
that  Winchester  contemplated  a  movement 
against  the  enemy,  after  sending  forward  the 
artillery  and  supplies,  as  above  mentioned,  he 
started  for  Lower  Sandusky,  having  first  des 
patched  an  express  to  the  Rapids  for  informa 
tion.  This  was  the  17th.  Arrived  at  Lower 
Sandusky,  he  found  that  General  Perkins  had 
prepared  a  battalion,  with  a  piece  of  artillery, 


139 

in  conformity  to  Winchester's  request,  and 
the  next  day,  the  18th,  this  corps  marched  un 
der  major  Cotgrove,  for  the  Rapids.  Harrison 
determined  to  follow  it,  and  to  have  a  per 
sonal  interview  with  Winchester,  of  the 
nature  of  whose  intended  movement  against 
the  enemy  he  was  as  yet  entirely  ignorant. 
Before  he  started,  however,  early  on  the 
morning  of  the  19th,  he  received  a  letter  from 
Winchester  informing  him  of  the  advance  of 
Colonel  Lewis  upon  Frenchtown.  He  there 
upon  ordered  all  the  remaining  disposable 
troops  at  Upper  Sandusky  to  march  for  the 
Rapids,  as  soon  and  as  expeditiously  as  pos 
sible,  and  immediately  proceeded  thither  him 
self.  He  started  in  a  sleigh  with  General 
Perkins  to  overtake  the  battalion  under  Cot- 
grove,  attended  by  a  single  servant.  As  the 
sleigh  went  very  slowly,  from  the  roughness  of 
the  road,  he  took  the  horse  of  his  servant  and 
pushed  on  alone.  Night  came  upon  him  in 
the  midst  of  the  swamp,  which  was  so  imper 
fectly  frozen  that  the  horse  sunk  to  his  belly 
at  every  step.  He  had  no  resource  but  to  dis 
mount  and  lead  his  horse,  jumping  from  one 
sod  to  another.  Finally,  with  the  assistance 


140 

of  a  soldier  whom  he  fortunately  met,  he  suc 
ceeded  in  getting  his  horse  through  the  swamp, 
and  in  reaching  the  camp  of  Cotgrove's  bat 
talion. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  20th,  he  ar 
rived  at  the  Rapids,  which  place  General  Win 
chester  had  left  on  the  preceding  evening, 
with  all  his  disposable  force.  Nothing  could 
now  be  done  but  to  await  the  arrival  of  the 
troops  from  Lower  Sandusky.  As  soon  as  the 
battalion  under  Cotgrove  arrived,  it  was  hur 
ried  forward  to  reinforce  Winchester ;  and 
upon  the  arrival  of  the  remainder  of  the  troops 
from  Upper  Sandusky,  on  the  evening  of  the 
2 1st,  the  remainder  of  the  Kentuckians,to  the 
number  of  three  hundred,  whom  Winchester 
had  left  behind  to  garrison  his  camp,  were 
ordered  to  march  for  Frenchtown,  which  they 
did  the  next  morning.  On  the  forenoon  of  the 
22nd,  information  reached  the  Rapids  of  the  at 
tack  on  Winchester's  camp.  General  Harri 
son  immediately  ordered  all  the  remaining 
troops  at  the  Rapids  to  march  with  all  possible 
expedition,  and  himself  hastened  forward  to 
overtake  the  Kentuckians  who  had  marched 
the  day  before.  This  detachment  was  soon 


141 

met  by  fugitives  from  the  battle,  from  whom 
the  total  defeat  of  Winchester's  forces  was 
ascertained.  A  council  of  general  and  field 
officers  was  then  held,  by  whom  it  was  decid 
ed  that  it  would  be  imprudent  and  unnecessa 
ry  to  proceed  further.  Parties  of  the  most 
active  and  enterprising  men  were  now  sent 
forward  to  assist  in  bringing  in  those  who 
might  escape,  and  the  rest  of  the  reinforce 
ment  returned  to  the  Rapids. 

It  thus  appears  that  every  thing  possible 
was  done  by  General  Harrison  towards  rein 
forcing  Winchester  in  the  dangerous  position 
he  had  assumed  at  the  river  Raisin.  The 
movement  to  that  place  was  highly  imprudent ; 
but  its  disastrous  result  seems  to  have  been 
principally  owing  to  the  total  negligence  of 
Winchester  and  his  officers  in  taking  those 
ordinary  precautions  which  the  nature  of  their 
position  demanded.  Had  the  camp  been  for 
tified,  as  it  might  and  ought  to  have  been,  the 
result  of  the  battle  would  have  been  very  dif 
ferent.  At  all  events  the  troops  might  easily 
have  held  out  till  the  arrival  of  succor  from 
the  Rapids.  In  this  disastrous  affair  the 
Americans  lost  about  nine  hundred  men  in 
killed  and  prisoners. 


142 

The  troops  at  the  Rapids,  after  Winchester's 
defeat,  amounted  to  less  than  nine  hundred 
men.  A  council  of  war  unanimously  recom 
mended  that  this  corps  should  fall  back  to 
Portage  river,  to  cover  the  convoys  which  were 
advancing  in  that  direction,  and  which  had  in 
charge  all  the  artillery  and  much  of  the  am 
munition  intended  for  the  campaign.  The 
position  indeed  which  Winchester  had  chosen 
at  the  Rapids  was  very  objectionable.  It  was 
on  the  north  bank  of  the  river,  and  thus  sep 
arated  by  a  wide,  swift,  and  sometimes  impas 
sable  stream,  from  the  road  by  which  the  con 
voys  were  approaching ;  and  what  was  still 
worse,  the  fortifications  by  which  it  was  de 
fended  were  constructed  upon  an  extremely 
injudicious  plan. 

Having  removed  his  camp  to  Portage  river, 
General  Harrison  sent  back  expresses  to 
hasten  the  advance  of  the  troops,  artillery  and 
stores.  But  a  violent  rain  which  now  com 
menced,  and  which  continued  till  the  frost 
was  entirely  out  of  the  ground,  greatly  retard 
ed  all  these  operations.  On  the  30th  of  Jan 
uary,  however,  General  Leftwich  and  the  Vir 
ginia  brigade  with  a  part  of  the  artillery  which 


143 

had  been  taken  off  the  carriages  and  placed 
upon  sleds,  arrived  at  Portage  river.  The 
artillery  had  been  sent  off  from  Upper  San- 
dusky  on  the  17th.  It  thus  took  fourteen 
days  for  only  a  part  of  it  to  reach  Portage 
river,  a  distance  of  fifty  miles.  The  ammu 
nition  wagons  were  nearly  all  left  behind, 
their  wheels  and  axletrees  being  broken,  or 
their  teams  exhausted.  The  road,  for  nearly 
the  whole  distance,  was  strewed  with  broken 
wagons,  dead  or  dying  horses  and  oxen,  and 
with  small  groups  of  militia,  who  having 
exhausted  their  strength  in  wading  through 
the  mud  and  water,  had  stopped  arid  kindled 
fires  on  the  few  spots  where  they  would  burn. 
By  the  arrival  of  General  Leftwich,  the  force 
at  Portage  river  was  increased  to  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  men.  But  of  these  a  great 
many  were  ill  with  pleurisies  and  other  dis 
orders  of  a  similar  kind  ;  which  indeed  was 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  for  the  greater  part  of 
the  encampment  was  absolutely  inundated  by 
the  rain.  The  troops  indeed  bore  their  situ 
ation  with  great  patience,  to  which  they  were 
induced  by  the  example  of  their  commander. 
The  general's  tent,  placed  in  the  centre,  hap- 


144 

pened  to  be  in  one  the  lowest  spots  of  the 
encampment.  His  officers  urged  him  to 
change  it  ;  but  he  refused  to  do  so,  observing 
that  it  was  necessary  that  every  military  man 
should  be  content  with  the  situation,  which 
in  the  course  of  his  duty  fell  to  his  lot. 

The  following  is  an  account  of  the  hard 
ships  which  the  soldiers  of  Leftvvich  encoun 
tered  on  their  march  to  Portage  river,  extract 
ed  from  a  letter  of  one  of  the  Petersburg 

ra 

volunteers.  "  In  the  best  of  the  road  it  took 
us  over  the  knees,  and  often  to  the  middle. 
The  rain  was  incessant.  The  Black  swamp, 
(four  miles  from  Portage  river,  and  four  in  ex 
tent,)  would  have  been  considered  impassable 
by  all  but  men  determined  to  surmount  every 
difficulty.  In  this  swamp  the  water  was  about 
six  inches  deep  on  the  ice,  which  was  very 
rotten,  often  breaking  through  to  the  depth  of 
four  or  five  feet. 

"  We  encamped  on  wet  ground  in  the  midst 
oftherairi.  It  was  with  difficulty  we  could 
raise  fires.  We  had  no  tents,  our  clothes 
were  wet,  no  axes,  nothing  to  cook  with,  and 
very  little  to  eat.  When  we  went  to  sleep,  it 
was  on  two  logs  laid  close  together  to  keep 


145 

our  bodies  from  the  wet  ground.  Good  God! 
what  a  pliant  being  is  man  in  adversity.  The 
loftiest  spirit  that  ever  inhabited  the  human 
breast  would  ha.ve  been  tamed  amid  the  diffi 
culties  that  surrounded  us." 

On  the  1st  of  February,  the  forces  at  Portage 
river  advanced  again  to  the  Rapids, — General 
Harrison  still  entertaining  a  hope  that  he 
might  yet  be  able  to  execute  the  great  objects 
of  the  campaign  the  present  winter.  This 
was  the  season,  in  common  years,  when  the 
most  intense  frosts  prevailed  in  this  country, 
by  which  its  lakes  and  swamps  were  rendered 
perfectly  firm  and  secure  for  any  kind  of  con 
veyance  ;  yet  the  weather  still  continued  so 
warm  and  rainy,  that  the  roads  were  entirely 
broken  up,  and  travelling  on  the  ice  rendered 
altogether  unsafe.  The  troops  in  the  rear, 
and  the  necessary  supplies  were  unable  to 
reach  the  Rapids.  The  roads  indeed  had  be 
come  absolutely  impassable  for  any  kind  of 
carriage,  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficul 
ty  that  they  could  be  traversed  in  any  way. 
Under  these  circumstances  General  Harrison 
felt  himself  constrained  to  abandon  all  thoughts 
of  advancing  against  Maiden  during  the  win- 
12 


146 

ter ;  and  he  accordingly  prepared  to  go  into 
winter  quarters  at  the  Rapids.  For  this  pur 
pose  an  encampment  was  chosen  on  the  south 
side  of  the  river,  which  was  strongly  fortified, 
and  called  Camp  Meigs,  in  honor  of  the  patri 
otic  governor  of  Ohio. 

This  determination  was  indeed  rendered 
absolutely  necessary  by  the  approaching  expi 
ration  of  the  term  of  service  of  the  Kentucky 
and  Ohio  troops.  In  a  short  time,  only  the 
Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  forces  remained, 
they  having  been  engaged  to  serve  till  spring 

It  may  be  proper  to  mention  here,  that 
while  engaged  in  the  various  and  arduous  ser 
vices  towards  the  main  object  of  the  campaign, 
above  briefly  recounted,  General  Harrison 
organised  no  less  than  three  distinct  expedi 
tions  against  the  Indian  towns,  rendered  ne 
cessary  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier,  and 
to  keep  the  Indians  in  check.  Two  of  these 
expeditions,  one  under  Colonel  Trimble,  and 
the  other  under  General  Hopkins,  failed  en 
tirely,  owing  to  the  total  insubordination  of  the 
troops  ;  the  third  under  Colonel  Campbell,  of 
the  regular  army,  was  more  successful. 

About  this  time  General  Harrison  received 


147 

the  appointment  of  major  general  in  the  army 
of  the  United  States.  Singular  as  it  may  ap 
pear,  though  exercising  the  most  important 
command  in  the  power  of  the  Federal  govern 
ment  to  bestow,  he  had  hitherto  acted  under 
the  Kentucky  commission  which  he  received 
when  he  first  took  the  field.  The  delay  in 
this  appointment  had  created  much  uneasi 
ness  in  the  West ;  and  it  being  suggested  that 
General  Harrison  might  resign  at  the  close  of 
the  campaign,  public  meetings  were  called, 
and  addresses  sent  to  the  President,  request 
ing  him  to  confer  the  rank  of  major  general 
upon  Harrison,  and  urging  Harrison  to  accept 
it.  This  demonstration  of  public  opinion  had 
its  effect ;  and  the  commission  was  presently 
forthcoming. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

Second  campaign  of  the  Northwestern  Army  —  Siege  and 
defence  of  fort  Meigs  —  Second  siege  of  fort  Meigs — 
Siege  of  fort  Stevenson  — Perry's  victory  —  Embarka 
tion  of  the  Army  —  Battle  of  the  Thames  —  End  of  the 
campaign  —  Harrison  resigns  his  commission. 

IN  reply  to  his  letters  announcing  the  sus 
pension  of  hostile  operations,  General  Harri- 


148 

son  received  answers  from  the  Secretary  of 
War,  declaring  his  conviction  of  the  necessity 
of  that  course,  and  stating  the  intentions  of 
the  administration  with  respect  to  the  second 
campaign. 

The  plan  so  often  and  so  strongly  urged  by 
General  Harrison,  of  obtaining  the  command 
of  lake  Erie,  had  been  adopted ;  and  captain 
Perry  had  been  ordered  to  Presque  Isle,  (now 
Erie)  to  superintend  the  construction  of  a  fleet, 
which  it  was  supposed  would  be  ready  for  ser 
vice  by  the  middle  of  May.  The  land  forces  des 
tined  to  form  the  Northwestern  army,  were  to 
consist  of  the  24th  regiment  of  regular  troops, 
then  on  its  march  from  Tennessee,  of  the  17th 
and  19th  regiments,  which  at  that  time  had 
but  few  men  enlisted,  and  of  three  regiments 
of  twelve  months'  volunteers  to  be  raised  in 
Ohio  and  Kentucky.  It  was  announced  that 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Secretary  the  recruits 
which  would  be  enlisted  for  the  new  regi 
ments  would  be  able  to  protect  the  posts  until 
offensive  operations  should  commence.  The 
employment  of  militia  was  not  to  be  resorted 
to  till  after  it  was  ascertained  that  the  regular 
troops  could  not  be  raised. 


149 

It  is  evident,  from  this  statement,  that 
the  administration  had  passed  suddenly  from 
the  height  of  profusion  to  an  ill  judged  parsi 
mony.  With  the  merely  nominal  forces 
above  mentioned,  the  general  was  required  to 
maintain  the  Northwestern  forts  with  the 
provisions  and  military  stores  now  accumulat 
ed  in  them ;  to  protect  the  frontier  against 
the  Indians  ;  and  to  keep  the  British  at  Mai 
den  in  check.  Fortunately,  before  he  had 
received  these  instructions,  he  had  called  for 
reinforcements  of  militia  both  from  Kentucky 
and  Ohio  ;  and  more  fortunately  yet,  notwith 
standing  it  was  known  that  the  call  was  dis 
approved  of  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  the 
troops,  nevertheless,  were  furnished.  The 
whole  number  called  for,  however,  was  hardly 
sufficient  to  garrison  the  forts. 

As  the  period  for  which  the  remaining 
troops  at  fort  Meigs  had  enlisted  was  now 
about  expiring,  General  Harrison  felt  great 
anxiety  for  the  safety  of  that  place,  especially 
as  he  had  heard  from  Governor  Meigs  that 
the  Secretary  of  War  had  disapproved  his  call 
for  militia,  though  he  had  not  absolutely  coun 
termanded  it.  To  get  together,  if  possible, 


150 

troops  enough  to  garrison  fort  Meigs,  General 
Harrison  hastened  into  the  interior,  and  ar 
rived  at  Cincinnati  on  the  22d  of  March.  He 
left  the  command  of  fort  Meigs  to  General 
Leftwich,  the  senior  officer  of  the  Virginia 
brigade,  having  first  ascertained  that  the 
breaches  in  the  ice  of  lake  Erie  would  prevent 
an  attack  from  fort  Maiden  during  his  absence. 
On  the  30th,  however,  he  received  an  express 
informing  him  that  the  ice  of  the  lake  was  so 
far  broken  up  that  it  would  soon  become  nav 
igable.  Having  Jong  expected  thai  the  British 
would  attack  fort  Meigs  as  soon  as  the  navi 
gation  was  open,  he  returned  with  all  expedi 
tion  to  the  Rapids,  collecting  on  the  way  all 
such  detachments  of  troops  as  he  could  find, 
and  leaving  orders  for  the  rest  to  follow  as 
speedily  as  possible.  He  reached  fort  Meigs 
on  the  10th  of  April,  with  a  small  body  of 
troops,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  garrison,  which 
was  now  exceedingly  reduced.  General  Left 
wich  with  his  brigade  were  all  gone,  —  the 
period  of  their  enlistment  having  expired,  — 
and  the  fort  was  held  by  a  few  regulars,  and  a 
small  body  of  Pennsylvanians,  who,  notwith 
standing  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  enlist- 


151 

ment,  had  volunteered  tc  remain  until  the  ex 
pected  reinforcement  should  arrive. 

Every  effort  was  now  made  to  complete  the 
defences  of  the  fort ;  and  the  general  looked 
with  great  anxiety  for  the  arrival  of  the  Ken 
tucky  militia  under  General  Clay,  whose 
march,  however,  was  greatly  impeded  by  the 
terrible  state  of  the  roads.  In  a  short  time, 
the  scouts  and  advanced  parties  of  the  enemy 
began  to  make  their  appearance  ;  and  on  the 
28th  of  April,  the  main  body  of  the  British 
troops  were  discovered  ascending  the  river  in 
vessels  and  boats,  the  Indians  approaching  at 
the  same  time  by  land. 

The  assailants  immediately  commenced  the 
erection  of  batteries  on  the  north  side  of  the 
river,  opposite  the  fort,  while  their  main  body 
was  encamped  at  old  fort  Miami,  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  below.  To  avoid  the  effect  of 
these  batteries  a  traverse  twelve  feet  high  was 
constructed  across  the  camp,  the  erection  of 
which  was  concealed  by  the  tents,  and  as  soon 
as  the  batteries  began  to  play,  the  troops  were 
withdrawn  behind  the  traverse,  which  afforded 
them  a  complete  protection.  The  batteries, 
however,  kept  up  a  very  heavy  fire,  which  was 


152 

sparingly  returned  from  the  fort,  on  account 
of  the  scarcity  of  shot.  The  guns  of  the  fort 
were  twelve  and  eighteen  pounders.  Twelve 
pound  shot  were  plentifully  enough  supplied 
from  the  guns  of  the  enemy  ;  but  they  fur 
nished  no  eighteens,  —  all  their  large  guns 
being  twenty-fours.  Finding  that  little  im 
pression  was  to  be  made  upon  the  fort  from 
the  north  side  of  the  river,  the  enemy  estab 
lished  several  batteries  on  the  south  side. 
But  in  the  mean  time,  works  had  been  erect 
ed  to  guard  against  this  event,  and  the  siege 
went  on  with  no  better  success  than  before. 

On  the  night  of  the  4th  of  May  a  message 
was  received  bringing  the  information  that 
General  Clay,  with  his  forces  in  boats,  was 
just  above  the  Rapids,  and  would  arrive  at  the 
fort  by  three  or  four  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
General  Harrison  immediately  resolved  upon 
a  vigorous  effort  to  raise  the  siege  by  a  simul 
taneous  attack  upon  the  enemy's  works  on 
both  sides  of  the  river.  The  attack  of  the 
batteries  on  the  left  was  committed  to  a  part 
of  General  Clay's  forces.  An  officer  was  des 
patched  to  him  with  orders  to  land  six  or  eight 
hundred  men  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river, 


153 

about  a  mile  above  the  fort,  who  were  to 
march  with  despatch  and  secrecy  against  the 
British  batteries,  carry  them,  spike  the  can 
non,  cut  down  the  carriages,  and  then  hasten 
to  their  boats  and  cross  over  to  the  fort. 
Preparations  in  the  mean  time  were  made  in 
the  fort  for  a  sortie  against  the  batteries  on 
the  right  bank. 

Clay  detached  colonel  Dudley  with  eight 
hundred  men  for  the  attack  upon  the  British 
batteries,  and  descending  the  river  with  the 
rest  of  his  forces,  though  much  annoyed  by 
the  Indians  from  the  banks,  he  reached  the 
fort  in  safety.  Meanwhile  Dudley's  corps 
landed,  and  rushing  unexpectedly  upon  the 
British  batteries,  carried  them  without  diffi 
culty.  This  achievement  was  seen  from  the 
fort,  and  the  entire  success  of  this  enterprise 
seemed  certain.  The  enemy  in  their  camp  a 
mile  and  a  half  below,  were  indeed  seen  to 
take  the  alarm,  and  to  run  to  arms  ;  but  their 
distance  was  such  that  our  troops  might  easily 
have  embarked  and  crossed  to  the  fort  without 
any  impediment.  Presently,  however,  the 
general  saw  with  feelings  of  indescribable 
anguish,  — for  he  was  watching  the  whole  pro- 


154 

ceeding  through  his  spy-glass, — that  the  Brit 
ish  troops  were  in  full  march,  while  not  the 
smallest  appearance  was  discernible,  on  the 
part  of  our  men,  of  any  arrangements  either 
to  retreat  or  to  fight.  In  fact  they  neither 
saw,  heard,  nor  thought  of  the  enemy ;  their 
attention  being  entirely  taken  up  with  the 
novelty  of  their  situation,  or  in  skirmishing 
with  a  few  Indians  concealed  in  the  bushes. 
An  attempt  was  made  by  the  general  to  call 
to  them  across  the  river,  but  that  proved  inef 
fectual.  He  then  offered  a  thousand  dollars 
to  any  one  who  would  swim  across  and  ap 
prise  Dudley  of  his  danger.  This  was  under 
taken,  but  before  it  could  be  accomplished, 
the  enemy  had  arrived.  Forty  or  fifty  of  the 
Kentuckians  were  slain,  and  five  hundred  and 
fifty  taken  prisoners.  About  two  hundred 
who  were  on  the  extreme  left  escaped  to  the 
boats,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  the  fort. 
Never  was  there  a  more  striking  instance  of 
an  easy  victory  converted  by  ignorance  and 
thoughtlessness  into  a  lamentable  defeat ! 

In  the  mean  time,  the  batteries  on  the  right 
bank  were  attacked  by  a  detachment  from  the 
fort,  and  though  defended  by  a  strong  body  of 


155 

troops,  were  all  carried.  Their  batteries  thus 
rendered  useless,  and  despairing  of  success,  a 
few  days  after,  the  enemy  raised  the  siege,  and 
retired  to  Maiden. 

The  season  had  now  arrived  for  active  op 
erations.  But  the  enlistment  of  the  regiments 
which  were  to  constitute  the  Northwestern 
army  was  not  yet  completed.  Leaving  Gen 
eral  Clay  in  command  at  fort  Meigs,  General 
Harrison  hastened  into  the  interior  to  send 
forward  the  recruits  and  hasten  the  enlist 
ments.  The  construction  of  the  fleet  at 
Presque  Isle  had  not  proceeded  with  the  ra 
pidity  that  had  been  anticipated  ;  but  early 
in  July  the  general  received  such  information 
from  commodore  Perry  as  satisfied  him  of  the 
necessity  of  concentrating  his  forces,  and  pre 
paring  for  action.  On  the  25th  of  the  same 
month  he  received  from  the  war  department 
the  authority  he  had  earnestly  solicited  and 
long  expected,  to  call  upon  the  governors  of 
Kentucky  and  Ohio  for  a  militia  force ;  and  he 
immediately  despatched  one  of  his  aids  to 
the  Governor  of  Kentucky  for  that  purpose. 

In  the  mean  time  the  forces  of  the  enemy 
again  made  their  appearance  before  camp 


156 

Meigs.  General  Harrison  was  at  Lower  San- 
dusky  with  a  small  body  of  regular  troops. 
He  immediately  strengthened  the  garrison  at 
fort  Stephenson  at  that  place,  to  one  hundred 
and  sixty  men,  and  having  entrusted  the  com 
mand  of  it  to  Major  Croghan,  with  the  re 
mainder  of  his  troops  he  fell  back  to  Seneca, 
nine  miles  above,- — a  position  convenient  for 
assembling  the  forces  marching  from  the  in 
terior,  and  whence  succors  might  be  sent  to 
fort  Meigs,  while  it  covered  the  important 
point  of  Upper  Sandusky,  where  the  princi 
pal  magazines  of  the  army  were  accumulated. 
Word  was  sent  to  General  Clay,  that  in 
case  the  enemy  opened  batteries  against  fort 
Meigs,  every  effort  would  be  made  to  relieve 
it.  But  the  British  and  Indians  remained  be1- 
fore  that  place  only  a  few  days.  On  the  28th 
the  British  troops  were  embarked  and  sailed 
round  to  Sandusky  Bay,  while  the  Indians 
marched  through  the  swamps  of  Portage  river, 
with  the  intention  of  attacking  Lower  San 
dusky.  An  examination  of  the  heights  around 
fort  Stephenson  had  been  made  sometime 
previous  by  General  Harrison,  Major  Croghan, 
and  some  other  officers.  It  was  found  to  be 


157 

commanded  by  a  hill  at  no  great  distance,  and 
the  officers  all  agreed  that  it  could  not  be  de 
fended  against  heavy  artillery.  Orders  were 
accordingly  left  with  Major  Croghan,  that  if 
British  troops  with  cannon  approached  the 
place,  and  he  discovered  them  in  time,  he 
should  abandon  the  fort  and  effect  a  retreat ; 
but  against  a  force  merely  of  Indians,  he  was 
to  maintain  his  position,  as  the  fort  was  im 
pregnable  to  them,  and  an  attempt  to  retreat 
in  their  presence  would  be  ineffectual. 

On  the  evening  of  the  29th  the  general  re 
ceived  information  that  the  siege  of  fort  Meigs 
had  been  raised  ;  and  from  the  number  of 
Indians  that  infested  the  woods  in  the  vicinity 
of  his  camp,  he  had  no  doubt  that  an  imme 
diate  attack  was  intended  by  the  combined 
British  and  Indians,  either  upon  his  own  posi* 
tion  at  Seneca,  or  on  fort  Stephenson.  A 
council  of  war  was  assembled,  which  gave  a 
unanimous  opinion,  that  as  fort  Stephenson 
was  untenable  against  heavy  artillery, — any 
quantity  of  which,  by  means  of  water  trans 
portation,  the  enemy  might  bring  against  it, — 
and  as  it  was  an  unimportant  post,  it  had 
better  be  abandoned,  and  the  garrison  with- 
13 


158 

drawn.  Additional  reasons  for  this  advice 
were  to  be  found  in  the  fact  of  the  very 
small  force  under  the  general's  immediate 
command ;  and  in  the  necessity  of  concen 
trating  all  the  troops  within  his  reach,  for  the 
protection  of  Upper  Sandusky,  which  was  a 
point  of  the  utmost  importance.  Orders  were 
accordingly  despatched  to  Major  .Croghan  to 
set  fire  to  the  fort,  and  to  repair  with  his  com 
mand  to  head-quarters.  But  these  orders  did 
not  arrive  till  the  fort  was  already  surrounded 
with  Indians  ;  and  after  consulting  with  his 
officers,  who  deemed  a  retreat  unsafe,  and 
that  the  post  might  be  maintained,  at  least  till 
further  instructions  could  be  received  from 
head-quarters,  Major  Croghan  returned  the 
following  answer.  "  Sir,  I  have  just  received 
yours  of  yesterday,  10  o'clock,  P.  M.,  order 
ing  me  to  destroy  this  place  and  make  good 
my  retreat,  which  was  received  too  late  to  be 
carried  into  execution.  We  have  determined 
to  maintain  this  place,  and  by  heavens  we 
can."  As  Major  Croghan  expected  that  this 
note  would  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
he  expressed  himself  in  much  stronger  lan 
guage  than  would  otherwise  have  been  con- 


159 

sistent  with  propriety.  However,  it  reached 
the  general  the  same  day.  Not  understanding 
the  circumstances  and  motives  which  had 
produced  it,  and  looking  upon  the  style  of 
the  letter  as  a  breach  of  military  etiquette,  he 
immediately  despatched  Colonel  Wills,  escort 
ed  by  a  corps  of  dragoons,  with  a  letter  to 
Major  Croghan,  requiring  him  to  give  up  the 
command  of  the  fort  to  Colonel  Wills,  and  to 
repair  to  head-quarters.  He  did  so ;  and  hav 
ing  explained  his  motives  in  writing  the  of 
fensive  note,  the  explanations  were  deemed 
satisfactory,  and  the  next  morning  he  was  per 
mitted  to  return  to  his  command,  with  written 
orders  similar  to  those  which  he  originally 
had. 

On  the  Jst  of  August,  the  British  and  Indi 
ans  appeared  before  the  fort,  and  demanded 
its  surrender.  This  being  refused,  a  cannon 
ade  was  opened  from  the  enemy's  guri-lToats, 
but  as  their  guns  were  only  six  pounders,  they 
did  but  little  damage.  On  the  evening  of  the 
2nd,  they  attempted  an  assault ;  but  being 
received  by  a  galling  fire  of  musketry,  and 
their  column  being  raked  by  a  six  pounder, 
the  only  piece  of  artillery  in  the  fort,  they 


160 

were  repulsed  with  great  loss,  and  that  same 
night  they  made  a  hasty  and  disorderly  re 
treat. 

The  gallant  defence  of  fort  Stephenson 
gained  Croghan  a  high  reputation  ;  but  some 
of  the  enemies  of  General  Harrison  made  it 
the  occasion  of  severe  attacks  upon  him.  In 
these  attacks,  however,  Croghan  himself  re 
fused  to  join.  In  a  letter  on  this  subject  pub 
lished  soon  after,  he  says,  —  "It  would  be 
insincere  to  say  that  I  am  not  flattered  by 
the  many  handsome  things  which  have  been 
said  about  the  defence  which  was  made  by 
the  troops  under  my  command  ;  but  I  desire 
no  plaudits  which  are  bestowed  upon  me  at  the 
expense  of  General  Harrison. 

"  I  have  at  all  times  enjoyed  his  confidence 
as  far  as  my  rank  in  the  army  entitled  me  to 
it ;  and  on  proper  occasions  received  his 
marked  attentions.  I  have  felt  the  warmest 
attachment  for  him  as  a  man,  and  my  confi 
dence  in  him  as  an  able  commander  remains 
unshaken.  I  feel  every  assura»ce  that  he  will 
at  all  times  do  me  ample  justice;  and  nothing 
could  give  me  more  pain  than  to  see  his  ene 
mies  seize  upon  this  occasion  to  deal  out  their 


161 

unfriendly  feelings  and  acrimonious  dislike  ; 
and  as  long  as  he  continues,  (as  in  my  hum 
ble  opinion  he  has  hitherto  done,)  to  make  the 
wisest  arrangements  and  the  most  judicious 
disposition,  which  the  forces  under  his  com 
mand  will  justify,  I  shall  not  hesitate  to  unite 
with  the  army  in  bestowing  upon  him  that 
confidence  which  he  so  richly  merits,  and 
which  has  on  no  occasion  been  withheld." 

It  is  proper  to  add, —  as  this  subject  has 
been  much  harped  upon  by  General  Harri 
son's  enemies,  that  in  consequence  of  certain 
publications  in  the  newspapers,  all  the  general 
and  field  officers  of  the  army  united  in  sign 
ing  a  paper,  by  which  the  general's  conduct 
in  this  affair  was  cordially  approved. 

About  the  16th  of  August  Commodore 
Perry  with  his  fleet  arrived  off  Sandusky  Bay. 
General  Harrison  immediately  went  on  board 
to  consult  as  to  future  operations.  It  was 
agreed  that  the  commodore  should  go  imme 
diately  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy  before  incum- 
bering  his  ships  with  the  land  forces  ;  but  as 
the  fleet  was  still  deficient  in  men,  the  general 
agreed  to  furnish  one  hundred  and  fifty,  to  be 
selected  from  the  whole  army.  This  being 
13* 


162 

done,  Perry  sailed  immediately  for  Maiden, 
where  the  British  fleet  was  at  anchor.  He 
lay  for  some  days  before  that  place  ;  but  rind 
ing  that  the  enemy  showed  no  disposition  to 
come  out,  he  returned  to  the  anchorage  at 
Put-in  Bay,  at  that  time  the  only  harbor  on 
our  side  of  the  lake.  After  waiting  there  for 
some  time,  he  was  gratified  on  the  10th  of 
September  by  the  appearance  of  the  enemy ; 
and  the  same  day  was  fought  that  celebrated 
action,  by  which  Perry  gained  so  much  honor, 
and  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  ene 
my's  whole  fleet. 

In  the  meantime  General  Harrison  had 
drawn  together  all  the  regular  troops  belong 
ing  to  his  army, — so  many  of  them  at  least  as 
had  been  enlisted, — and  a  day  or  two  after 
Perry's  victory  he  was  joined  by  a  strong 
corps  of  militia  from  Kentucky,  commanded 
by  Governor  Shelby  in  person.  The  troops 
at  fort  Meigs  joined  the  main  army  at  the 
mouth  of  Portage  river,  except  the  mount 
ed  regiment  under  Colonel  Johnson,  which 
had  orders  to  advance  by  the  way  of  the 
river  Raisin.  On  the  20th  of  September  the 
general  embarked  with  two  brigades  for  Bass 


163 

Island;  and  on  the  two  succeeding  days  the 
rest  of  the  troops  arrived  there.  On  the  25th  the 
whole  army  passed  over  to  the  Middle  Sister, 
These  islands  were  found  very  convenient  in 
the  passage  of  the  lake,  as  the  men  were  thus 
enabled  to  avoid  sea-sickness,  and  to  secure 
their  baggage  against  any  ordinary  storm. 
On  the  26th,  General  Harrison  sailed  with 
Commodore  Perry  in  the  Ariel,  to  reconnoitre 
Maiden  and  select  a  point  of  debarkation  ; 
and  on  his  return  he  issued  a  general  order 
prescribing  the  course  to  be  pursued  by  the 
troops  in  landing  and  forming  in  order  of  bat 
tle,  a  paper  drawn  up  with  that  clear  and  ac 
curate  minuteness,  so  necessary  with  troops, 
most  of  whose  officers  were  wholly  without  ex 
perience,  and  entirely  unacquainted  with  such 
manoeuvres. 

On  the  27th,  the  army  was  embarked  and 
sailed  for  the  Canada  shore.  Just  previous  to 
landing,  the  general  circulated  among  the 
troops  a  short  but  spirited  address,  which  con 
cluded  as  follows :  "  Kentuckians  !  remember 
the  river  Raisin,  but  remember  it  only  whilst 
the  victory  is  suspended.  The  revenge  of  a 
soldier  cannot  be  gratified  upon  a  fallen  ene- 


164 

my."  The  army  landed  in  high  spirits  and 
good  order,  but  contrary  to  their  expectations, 
without  resistance.  Proctor,  the  British  com 
mander,  had  burned  the  fort  and  navy-yard, 
barracks  and  public  store-houses,  and  had  re 
treated  to  Sandwich.  The  army  encamped 
that  night  on  the  ruins  of  fort  Maiden,  and 
the  next  day  entered  Sandwich,  which  by  this 
time  had  been  evacuated  by  Proctor.  General 
McArthur's  brigade  crossed  over  and  took 
possession  of  Detroit;  and  the  same  evening 
General  Harrison  issued  a  proclamation  re 
establishing  the  civil  government  of  the  terri 
tory  of  Michigan.  On  the  1st  of  October 
Colonel  Johnson  with  his  mounted  regiment 
joined  the  army  at  Sandwich,  and  the  pursuit 
of  Proctor  was  immediately  commenced.  He 
had  retreated  up  the  river  Thames,  and  after 
a  severe  pursuit,  was  overtaken  on  the  5th, 
near  the  Moravian  towns.  Proctor  was 
strongly  posted  in  an  open  wood,  with  his  left 
resting  on  the  river,  and  supported  by  artille 
ry,  and  his  right  extending  to  a  swamp  which 
stretched  along  at  a  great  distance  parallel  to 
the  river.  This  swamp  was  occupied  by  a 
strong  body  of  Indians  under  the  celebrated 
Tecumthe. 


165 

General  Harrison  drew  up  his  infantry,  one 
division,  extending  in  a  double  line  from  the 
river  to  the  swamp,  opposite  Proctor's  troops  ; 
and  the  other  division  at  right  angles  to  the 
first,  with  its  front  extending  along  the  swamp, 
with  the  view  of  preventing  the  Indians  from 
turning  his  left  flank  and  getting  into  the  rear. 

Johnson's  mounted  regiment  which  led  in 
the  pursuit,  was  still  in  front  of  the  infantry, 
and  the  general  was  somewhat  at  a  loss  how 
to  dispose  of  it  to  advantage.  But  learning 
that  the  British  regulars,  to  enable  them  to 
occupy  all  the  ground  between  the  river  and 
the  swamp,  had  been  formed  in  open  order, 
he  resolved  to  try  what  effect  upon  them  a 
charge  by  the  mounted  men  would  have.  The 
regiment  was  accordingly  drawn  up  in  close 
column,  and  charging  through  the  enemy's 
ranks,  threw  them  into  confusion,  formed  in 
their  rear,  and  so  far  as  the  regulars  were  con 
cerned,  ended  the  battle  almost  in  a  moment. 
'The  British  officers  seeing  no  hopes  of  rallying 
their  men,  immediately  surrendered.  Proctor 
with  a  few  attendants,  escaped  by  the  fleet- 
ness  of  their  horses. 

The  contest  with  the  Indians  on  the  left 


166 

was  more  severe.  They  advanced  and  poured 
in  a  galling  fire  not  only  upon  the  left  of  the 
mounted  men,  but  also  upon  the  infantry,  and 
for  a  moment  made  some  impression  upon  the 
left  flank.  Additional  troops,  however,  were 
brought  up,  and  being  received  with  a  severe 
fire  in  front,  while  a  part  of  Johnson's  regi 
ment  in  the  mean  time  had  gained  their  rear, 
the  Indians  retreated  with  much  precipita 
tion,  and  severe  loss. 

In  this  battle  fell  Tecumthe,  the  celebrated 
Indian  chief,  who,  ever  since  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war,  had  been  zealously  employ 
ed  on  behalf  of  the  British.  The  British 
government,  sensible  of  the  service  he  had 
rendered,  granted  a  pension  to  his  widow  and 
children,  who  after  the  war  resided  for  some 
time  in  the  vicinity  of  Maiden.  The  prophet 
lived  also  at  the  same  place,  supported  in  like 
manner  by  a  British  pension.  After  his 
brother's  death,  however,  his  communications 
with  the  Great  Spirit  came  to  an  end  ;  and  he 
no  longer  possessed  any  influence  or  conse 
quence  among  the  Indians. 

All  the  stores  and  artillery  of  the  British 
army,  as  well  as  a  great  quantity  of  small  arms, 


167 

fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victorious  troops. 
Among  the  artillery  were  three  brass  pieces, 
trophies  of  the  revolutionary  war,  which  were 
taken  at  Saratoga  and  Yorktovvn,  and  which 
had  been  surrendered  by  General  Hull. 

It  was  always  a  rule  with  General  Harrison 
on  all  occasions,  to  favor  himself  in  nothing, 
but  to  share  equally  with  the  common  soldiers 
the  fatigues  and  hardships  of  the  service. 
Upon  the  expedition  up  the  Thames  in  pursuit 
of  General  Proctor,  all  his  baggage  was  con 
tained  in  a  valise,  while  his  bedding  consisted 
of  a  single  blanket  fastened  over  his  saddle, 
and  even  this  he  gave  to  Colonel  Evans,  a 
British  officer,  who  was  wounded  and  taken 
prisoner.  On  the  night  after  the  battle  he 
had  thirty -five  British  officers,  prisoners  of 
war,  to  sup  with  him.  All  the  fare  he  was 
able  to  give  them  was  fresh  beef  roasted  be 
fore  the  fire,  without  either  bread  or  salt. 
This  had  been  the  subsistence  of  the  army 
during  the  pursuit,  and  the  rations  of  the 
general  were  exactly  those  of  the  soldiers. 
Indeed  he  made  it  a  point  on  every  occasion, 
to  set  an  example  of  fortitude  and  patience 
to  his  men,  and  to  share  with  them  every 


168 

hardship,  difficulty  and  danger.  Whether 
inarching  or  in  camp,  the  whole  army  was 
regularly  under  arms  at  day-break  ;  and  how. 
ever  severe  the  weather,  he  never  failed  to  be 
out  himself,  and  indeed  was  generally  the  first 
officer  on  horseback  in  the  whole  army. 

The  troops,  on  their  return,  arrived  at  Sand 
wich  on  the  10th,  when  they  were  transported 
across  the  straight  to  Detroit,  and  the  Ken 
tucky  volunteers  were  dismissed.  The  Indi 
an  tribes,  now  that  their  British  allies  could 
support  them  no  longer,  sent  in  to  the  general 
to  ask  for  peace.  An  armistice  was  granted 
them,  and  the  subject  of  a  final  arrangement 
was  referred  to  the  government  at  Washing 
ton. 

As  the  Northwestern  frontier  had  now  as 
sumed  a  peaceful  aspect,  and  as  it  was  too 
late  in  the  season  to  send  an  expedition  against 
the  posts  on  the  upper  lakes,  which  were  still 
held  by  the  British,  General  Harrison  deter 
mined  to  take  a  part  of  the  troops  to  the  Niag 
ara  frontier,  to  assist  in  the  operations  going 
on  in  that  quarter.  General  Cass  was  left, 
with  his  brigade,  to  protect  the  territory  of 
Michigan,  and  that  part  of  Upper  Canada 


169 

which  had  submitted  to  the  American  arms. 
The  rest  of  the  troops,  to  the  number  of  fifteen 
hundred  men,  were  embarked  on  board  the 
fleet,  and  arrived  at  Buffalo  on  the  24th  of 
October.  Thence  he  marched  to  Newark,  a 
village  on  the  Canadian  side,  near  the  outlet 
of  the  Niagara  river,  at  that  time  held  by  the 
Americans,  and  he  was  preparing  for  an  at 
tack  on  the  British  forces  at  Burlington 
Heights,  when  he  received  orders  from  the 
war  department  to  send  his  troops  to  Sackett's 
harbor  for  the  defence  of  that  place.  He 
accompanied  the  troops  thither,  and  then  pro 
ceeded  to  Washington  by  the  way  of  New 
York,  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore.  In  all 
those  cities  he  was  received  with  the  highest 
honors  and  most  distinguished  respect,  He 
remained  in  Washington  but  a  few  days,  when 
he  departed  for  Ohio  at  the  urgent  request  of 
the  president,  who  considered  his  presence 
there  of  importance,  both  as  regarded  the 
peace  of  the  frontier,  and  towards  the  filling 
up  of  the  regiments  intended  to  be  raised  in 
the  Western  States. 

General   John  Armstrong  was  at  this  time 
the  Secretary  of  War, — a  person  principally 
14 


170 

known  for  his  attempts  to  stir  up  a  mutiny  in 
the  revolutionary  army,  when  it  was  about  to 
be  disbanded  after  the  peace  of  1783,  He 
seems  from  the  beginning  to  have  conceived 
some  prejudice  against  General  Harrison,  and 
the  plan  of  the  campaign,  for  18 14,  as  submitted 
by  him  to  the  president,  authorized  the  infer 
ence  that  Harrison  would  not  be  employed  in 
any  active  service,  but  would  be  restricted  to 
the  command  of  the  eighth  military  district, 
including***  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  other  Western 
States.  The  Secretary  also  interfered  durino- 

•>  O' 

the  winter,  more  than  once,  with  the  internal 
arrangements  of  the  district  which  Harrison 
commanded,  in  a  manner  contrary  to  all  mili 
tary  etiquette.  Under  these  circumstances, 
General  Harrison  determined  to  resign  his 
commission.  It  would  indeed  have  been  very 
convenient  for  him  to  have  enjoyed  the  rank 
and  emoluments  of  a  major  general,  residing 
too  at  Cincinnati,  where  his  family  were;  but 
under  the  circumstances,  he  felt  that  it  would 
be  a  degradation  to  continue  to  hold  his  com 
mission.  He  had  no  inclination  for  a  nominal 
command,  or  to  receive  pay  for  services  which 
he  did  riot  perform.  Accordingly  he  address- 


171 

ed  a  letter  of  resignation  to  the  Secretary,  and 
a  notification  of  it  to  the  President.  As  soon 
as  Governor  Shelby  heard  of  this  affair,  he 
sent  a  letter  of  remonstrance  to  the  president 
against  the  acceptance  of  Harrison's  resigna 
tion.  But  the  president  was  away  on  a  visit 
to  Virginia,  and  in  his  absence,  and  without 
consulting  with  him,  the  secretary  saw  fit  to 
accept  the  resignation.  The  president  ex 
pressed  his  great  regret  that  the  letter  of  Gov 
ernor  Shelby  had  not  been  received  earlier, 
as  in  that  case  the  valuable  services  of  General 
Harrison  would  have  been  preserved  to  the 
country  for  the  ensuing  campaign. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Harrison  appointed  a  commissioner  to  treat  with  the 
Indians — Is  elected  to  Congress — He  demands  an  in 
vestigation  of  his  conduct  as  commander  of  the  North 
western  army — His  militia  bill — Pensions — General 
Jackson  and  the  Seminole  War — He  is  elected  to  the 
Senate  of  Ohio — Is  chosen  a  Senator  of  the  United 
States — Is  appointed  Minister  lo  Colombia — His  letter 
to  Bolivar — His  employments  since  his  recall — His  per 
son  and  character — His  letter  to  Harmar  Denny. 

THOUGH  General  Harrison  had  retired  from 
the  army,  he  still  continued  to  be  employed 


172 

in  the  service  of  his  country.  In  the  summer 
of  1814,  in  conjunction  with  Governor  Shelby 
and  General  Cass,  he  was  appointed  to  treat 
with  the  Indian  tribes  on  the  Northwestern 
frontier,  who  had  been  engaged  in  hostilities 
against  the  United  States.  The  commission 
ers  succeeded  in  concluding  a  treaty  at  Green 
ville,  by  which  most  of  these  tribes, — whom 
it  was  found  impossible  to  keep  neutral  while 
a  war  was  going  on  in  their  neighborhood, — 
agreed  to  take  up  arms  in  favor  of  the  United 
States. 

In  1815,  afterthe  peace  with  Great  Britain, 
it  became  necessary  in  conformity  with  one 
of  the  articles  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  to  offer 
to  the  several  tribes  who  had  taken  part  with 
the  enemy,  the  restoration  of  the  territories 
from  which  they  had  been  expelled  in  conse 
quence  of  the  successful  operations  of  General 
Harrison's  army.  General  Harrison  was  plac 
ed  at  the  head,  of  the  commission  appointed 
for  this  purpose,  and  a  treaty  with  the  tribes 
interested  was  made  the  same  year  at  Detroit- 

In  1816,  General  Harrison  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States,  to  fill  a  vacancy,  and  also 
for  the  succeeding  two  years. 


173 

It  has  been  observed, — and  the  truth  of  the 
observation  is  amply  verified  in  the  case  of 
General  Harrison, — that  in  proportion  to  the 
merits  and  services  of  a  public  man,  are  the 
envy,  malice  and  hatred  with  which,  on  the 
part  of  certain  persons,  he  is  always  pursued. 
In  the  command  of  the  Northwestern  army, 
General  Harrison  was  obliged  to  make  many 
enemies.  It  was  impossible  for  him  to  retain 
the  good  will  of  those  government  contractors 
whose  outrageous  frauds  he  detected  and  ex 
posed  ;  and  he  naturally  fell  under  the  dis 
pleasure  of  certain  officers  of  the  militia,  whose 
total  ignorance  and  incompetency  frequently 
subjected  them  to  the  notice  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief.  Add  to  this  the  effect  of 
that  disposition,  always  so  prevalent,  to  as 
sume  the  part  of  a  critic  and  a  censor,  and  to 
detract  even  from  the  just  merits  of  those 
whose  reputation  overshadows  us  ;  and  allow 
further  for  the  bitter  party  spirit  which  pre 
vailed  at  that  time,  and  which  led  those  who 
were  opposed  to  the  war  to  circulate,  if  not  to 
invent,  the  most  unfounded  calumnies  against 
all  those  who  were  engaged  in  its  prosecu 
tion  ; — take  all  these  things  into  consideration, 
14* 


174 

and  it  will  not  be  remarkable  that,  with  all 
the  popularity  which  General  Harrison  so  just 
ly  enjoyed,  there  was  a  counter  current  of 
zealous  and  bitter  dislike. 

Some  time  previous  to  his  election  to  Con 
gress  one  of  the  army  contractors,  whose  un 
just  gains  had  been  diminished  by  General 
Harrison's  vigilance,  undertook  to  insinuate 
that  his  conduct  had  been  partial  and  unjust, 
if  not  corrupt,  with  respect  to  the  commissa 
riat  of  the  army.  He  had  no  sooner  taken 
his  seat  in  the  House,  than  he  resolved  that 
this  charge  thus  specifically  made,  should  be 
forthwith  investigated  ;  and  for  that  purpose, 
he  asked  for  a  committee.  A  committee  of 
seven  was  accordingly  appointed,  of  which 
Richard  M.  Johnson,  (now  Vice  President 
of  the  United  States,)  was  chairman ;  arid 
after  a  thorough  inquiry  into  the  whole  sub 
ject,  and  the  examination  of  many  witnesses, 
they  made  a  unanimous  report,  in  which  they 
exculpated  General  Harrison  in  the  fullest 
manner  from  all  the  charges  brought  against 
him,  and  paid  a  high  compliment  to  his  patri 
otism,  disinterestedness,  and  devotion  to  the 
public  service. 


175 

This  calumny,  and  some  others  circulated 
at  the  same  time,  had  produced  a  serious  in 
jury  to  General  Harrison.  They  had  caused 
the  postponement  of  a  resolution  introduced 
into  the  United  States  Senate,  for  giving  him 
the  gold  medal  and  the  thanks  of  Congress. 
As  these  calumnies  were  now  silenced,  the 
resolution  was  again  called  up.  It  passed  the 
Senate  unanimously,  and  was  concurred  in 
by  the  House,  with  but  a  single  dissenting 
vote. 

There  were  two  great  political  objects  which 
General  Harrison  had  much  at  heart,  and 
which  he  hoped  his  seat  in  the  House  might 
aid  him  in  accomplishing.  One  was,  a  re 
form  of  the  militia  sjstem  ;  and  the  other,  the 
relief  of  the  veteran  soldiers  who  had  served 
in  the  revolutionary  armies,  as  well  as  of  those 
who  had  been  wounded  or  otherwise  disabled 
in  the  late  war. 

With  respect  to  the  existing  militia  system, 
no  one  had  lately  had  greater  experience  than 
General  Harrison  of  its  total  inefficiency.  He 
was  appointed  chairman  of  a  committee  to 
take  the  subject  into  consideration,  and  sub 
sequently  brought  in  a  bill,  accompanied  with 


176 

an  explanatory  report,  in  which  he  maintained 
the  following  points  : — 1st,  that  a  government 
constituted  like  oars  should  rely  upon  its 
militia  for  its  defence,  rather  than  on  a  stand 
ing  army  ;  2nd,  that  the  militia,  to  be  availa 
ble,  must  be  disciplined  ;  and  3dly,  that  dis 
cipline  can  only  be  attained  by  a  regular  sys 
tem  of  military  instruction.  The  bill,  the 
provisions  of  which  were  founded  upon  these 
general  principles,  was  submitted  to  the  exe 
cutive,  and  was  highly  approved  by  all  the 
heads  of  departments.  It  was  supported  by 
General  Harrison  in  an  eloquent  speech.  But 
Congress  has  always  displayed  a  great  aver 
sion  for  any  legislation  on  the  subject  of  the 
militia.  At  this  time,  just  escaped  from  a 
war,  and  weary  of  military  details  of  which 
few  of  the  members  had  any  personal  know 
ledge,  the  subject  was  particularly  unpalata 
ble  ;  and  General  Harrison's  bill,  after  being 
postponed  from  session  to  session,  was  finally 
dropped  for  want  of  some  one  to  sustain  it, 
after  he  had  left  Congress. 

In  his  other  object  he  was  more  successful. 
His  efforts  joined  with  those  of  several  other 
members,  succeeded  in  procuring  the  passage 


177 

of  a  law,  by  which  the  first  step  was  taken 
toward  rescuing  the  aged  heroes  of  the  revo 
lution  from  the  poverty  arid  distress  under 
which  they  had  so  long  suffered.  By  his  ex 
ertions  also  the  pensions  of  many  invalids 
who  had  been  severely  wounded  in  the  last 
war,  were  increased  ;  and  he  introduced,  sus 
tained  by  an  eloquent  speech,  and  carried 
through  the  House,  under  very  unfavorable 
circumstances,  and  in  spite  of  a  vigorous  op 
position,  a  bill  for  extending  the  pensions  of 
the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  had 
been  killed  in  the  service. 

The  question  of  acknowledging  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  South  American  Republics 
coming  up  while  he  was  a  member  of  the 
House,  he  warmly  supported  that  measure. 
There  also  occurred  during  his  membership 
that  celebrated  debate  on  the  Seminole  war, 
upon  which  subject  he  delivered  an  eloquent 
speech.  He  supported  the  resolutions  of  cen 
sure,  on  the  ground  that  a  republican  govern 
ment  should  make  no  distinction  between 
men ;  and  should  allow  no  man  to  say  that 
he  could  do  that  with  impunity  which  another 
could  not  do.  "  No  one,"  he  added,  in  a 


178 

spirit  somewhat  prophetic,  "  no  one  can  tell 
how  soon  such  an  example  may  be  beneficial." 
But  while  he  sustained  the  resolutions  of  cen 
sure,  he  refused  to  join  in  the  indiscriminate 
blame  which  was  levelled  at  their  object. 
He  defended  such  of  Jackson's  acts  as  he 
thought  right,  and  gave  him  credit  for  patri 
otic  motives.  The  speech  was  moderate,  man 
ly  and  candid  ;  but  General  Jackson  never 
forgot,  nor  forgave  it. 

In  1819,  General  Harrison  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  State  Senate  of  Ohio,  an  office 
which  he  held  for  two  years.  In  1824,  he 
was  elected  to  the  Seriate  of  the  United  States ; 
and  was  appointed  chairman  of  the  military 
committee  in  place  of  General  Jackson,  who 
had  resigned. 

As  chairman  of  that  committee  he  intro 
duced  a  bill  for  preventing  desertion  from  the 
army,  which  object  he  proposed  to  effect,  not 
by  an  increase  of  punishment,  but  by  elevating 
the  moral  character  of  the  army  —  by  raising 
the  rank  and  increasing  the  pay  of  the  non 
commissioned  office^  thus  giving  him  conse 
quence  and  respectability  in  his  own  eyes  ; 
and  by  holding  out  to  the  soldier  additional  in- 


179 

ducements  and  motives  for  a  faithful  perfor 
mance  of  his  duty.  This  bill  he  supported  in 
a  well  considered  and  animated  speech.  He 
also  gave  much  time  and  attention  to  the  con 
solidation  of  the  pension  acts,  and  the  passage 
of  a  uniform  law  to  embrace  the  cases  of  aU 
who  should  be  deserving  of  that  sort  of  justice 
from  their  country. 

In  1828,  General  Harrison  was  appointed 
minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  Republic  of 
Colombia.  He  proceeded  immediately  upon 
his  mission  ;  landed  at  Maracaybo  on  the  22d 
December,  and  from  that  place  repaired  to 
Bogota,  the  capital  of  Colombia.  He  was  re 
ceived  there  with  the  most  flattering  demon 
strations  of  respect;  but  his  republican  ideas, 
and  the  plain  simplicity  of  his  dress  and  man 
ners,  contrasted  somewhat  too  strongly  with 
the  arbitrary  opinions  and  the  ostentatious 
display  which  prevailed  at  the  court  of  Boli 
var,  to  be  altogether  agreeable  to  those  who  at 
that  time  had  engrossed  the  powers  of  the  Co 
lombian  government.  They  suspected  him  of 
favoring  the  opposite  party  in  the  state,  and 
commenced  a  series  of  petty  persecutions 
which  rendered  his  situation  extremely  irk- 


180 

some,  but  against  which  he  sustained  himself 
with  his  usual  gallantry  and  prudence.  He 
was  soon  relieved,  however  from  all  embarrass 
ments  on  this  score  ;  for  one  of  the  first  acts 
of  Jackson's  administration  was  the  recall  of 
General  Harrison  from  Colombia.  His  speech 
on  the  Seminole  war  had  not  been  forgotten. 
Before  leaving  the  country,  however,  he 
addressed  a  letter  to  Bolivar,  which  has  been 
much  and  deservedly  celebrated.  The  Re 
public  of  Colombia  was  formed  by  the  union 
of  Venezuela,  New  Grenada,  and  a  part  of 
the  old  vice-royalty  of  Peru,  (now  called 
Equador,)  provinces  which  have  since  sepa 
rated  and  formed  independent  governments. 
There  were  two  great  parties  in  the  state, 
one  composed  principally  of  the  military  and 
the  priests,  who  were  in  favor  of  a  strong  and 
splendid  government,  with  a  plentiful  infusion 
of  aristocratical  principles.  The  other  party, 
which  has  ultimately  prevailed  in  all  the  states 
of  which  Colombia  was  composed,  was  much 
more  democratic  in  its  ideas,  and  made  the 
institutions  of  the  United  States  their  model. 
Bolivar,  the  president  of  Colombia,  was  strong 
ly  inclined  to  think  and  act  with  the  first  de- 


181 


scribed  of  these  two  parties,  and  was  much 
flattered  by  those  who  composed  it.  In  con 
sequence  of  some  disturbances  in  Venezuela, 
he  had  been  clothed  with  extraordinary  pow 
ers,  which  he  still  continued  to  exercise,  not 
withstanding  the  disturbances  were  entirely 
suppressed ;  and  a  project  was  now  set  on 
foot  to  put  the  constitution  aside  altogether, 
arid  to  raise  Bolivar  to  a  dictatorship.  This 
project  originated  with  the  members  of  the 
aristocratical  party,  who  flattered  themselves 
that  as  the  officers,  agents,  and  servants  of 
a  despotic  executive,  they  might  exercise 
much  more  power,  and  enjoy  many  more 
privileges,  than  they  ever  could  under  a  free 
constitution.  While  this  matter  was  in  agi 
tation,  General  Harrison,  not  in  his  diplomatic 
character,  but  as  the  personal  friend  of  Bolivar, 
addressed  him  a  letter  animated  throughout 
with  the  true  spirit  of  republican  freedom,  and 
written  in  a  strain  of  eloquence  which  has 
seldom  been  surpassed.  The  following  is  the 
concluding  portion  of  it : — 

"  I  propose   to   examine,    very  briefly,  the 
results  which  are  likely  to  flow  from  the  pro 
posed  change  of  government ;  1st,  in  relation 
15 


182 

to  the  country  ;  and  2d,  to  yourself,  personally. 
Is  the  tranquillity  of  the  country  to  be  secured 
by  it?  Is  it  possible  for  your  Excellency  to 
believe,  that  when  the  mask  has  been  thrown 
off,  and  the  people  discover  that  a  despotic 
government  has  been  fixed  upon  them,  that 
they  will'  quietly  submit  to  it?  Will  they  for 
get  the  pass-word  which,  like  the  cross  of  fire, 
was  the  signal  for  rallying  to  oppose  their  for 
mer  tyrants  ?  Will  the  virgins  at  your  bid 
ding,  cease  to  chaunt  the  songs  of  liberty, 
which  so  lately  animated  the  youth  to  victory  ? 
Was  the  patriotic  blood  of  Colombia  all  ex 
pended  in  the  fields  of  Vargas,  Bayaca,  and 
Carebobo  T  The  schools  may  cease  to  en 
force  upon  their  pupils,  the  love  of  country, 
drawn  from  the  examples  of  Cato  and  the 
Bruti?  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton  ;  but  the 
glorious  example  of  patriotic  devotion  exhibit 
ed  in  your  own  Hacienda,  will  supply  their 
place.  Depend  on  it,  sir,  that  the  moment 
which  shall  announce  the  continuance  of  ar 
bitrary  power  in  your  hands,  will  be  the  com 
mencement  of  commotions  which  will  require 
all  your  talents  and  energies  to  suppress.  You 
may  succeed,  the  disciplined  army  at  your 


133 

disposal,  may  be  too  powerful  for  an  unarmed, 
undisciplined  and  scattered  population  ;  but 
one  unsuccessful  effort  will  not  content  them, 
and  your  feelings  will  be  eternally  racked  by 
being  obliged  to  make  war  upon  those  who 
have  been  accustomed  to  call  you  their  father, 
and  to  invoke  blessings  on  your  head,  and  for 
no  cause  but  their  adherence  to  principles 
which  you  yourself  had  taught  them  to  regard 
more  than  their  lives, 

"  If  by  the  strong  government  which  the  ad 
vocates  for  the  proposed  change  so  strenuous 
ly  recommend,  one  without  responsibility  is 
intended,  which  may  put  men  to  death  and 
immure  them  in  dungeons,  without  trial,  and 
one  where  the  army  is  every  thing,  and  the 
people  nothing,  I  must  say,  that,  if  the  tran 
quillity  of  Colombia  is  to  be  preserved  in  this 
way,  the  wildest  anarchy  would  be  preferable. 
Out  of  that  anarchy  a  better  government 
might  arise  ;  but  the  chains  of  military  despot 
ism  once  fastened  upon  a  nation,  ages  might 
pass  away  before  they  could  be  shaken  off. 

"  But  I  contend  that  the  strongest  of  all  gov 
ernments  is  that  which  is  most  free.  We  con 
sider  that  of  the  United  States  as  the  strongest 


184 

precisely  because  it  is  the  most  free.  It  pos 
sesses  the  faculties,  equally  to  protect  itself 
from  foreign  force  or  internal  convulsion.  In 
both  it  has  been  sufficiently  tried.  In  no 
country  upon  earth,  would  an  armed  opposi 
tion  to  the  laws  be  sooner  or  more  effectual 
ly  put  down.  Not  so  much  by  the  terrors  of 
the  guillotine  or  the  gibbet,  as  from  the  arous 
ed  determination  of  the  nation,  exhibiting 
their  strength,  and  convincing  the  factious 
that  their  cause  was  hopeless.  No,  sir,  de 
pend  upon  it,  that  the  possession  of  arbitrary 
power,  by  the  government  of  Colombia,  will 
not  be  the  means  of  securing  its  tranquillity  ; 
nor  will  the  danger  of  disturbances  solely  arise 
from  the  opposition  of  the  people.  The  pow 
er  and  the  military  force  which  it  will  be  ne 
cessary  to  put  in  the  hands  of  the  governors  of 
the  distant  provinces,  added  to  the  nature  of 
the  country,  will  continually  present  to  those 
officers  the  temptation  and  the  means  of  re 
volt. 

"  Will  the  proposed  change  restore  prosperity 
to  the  country?  With  the  best  intentions  to 
do  so,  will  you  be  able  to  recall  commerce  to 
its  shores  and  give  new  life  to  the  drooping 


185 

state  of  agriculture  ?  The  cause  of  the  con 
stant  decline  in  these  great  interests,  cannot  be 
mistaken.  It  arises  from  the  fewness  of  those 
who  labor,  and  the  number  of  those  who  are 
to  be  supported  by  that  labor.  To  support  a 
swarm  of  luxurious  arid  idle  monks,  and  an 
army  greatly  disproportioned  to  the  resources 
of  the  country,  with  a  body  of  officers  in  a 
tenfold  degree  disproportioned  to  the  army, 
every  branch  of  industry  is  oppressed  with 
burthens  which  deprive  the  ingenious  man  of 
the  profits  of  his  ingenuity,  arid  the  laborer  of 
his  reward.  To  satisfy  the  constant  and  pressing 
demands  which  are  made  upon  it,  the  treasury 
seizes  upon  every  thing  within  its  grasp  —  de 
stroying  the  very  germ  of  future  prosperity  Is 
there  any  prospect  that  these  evils  will  cease  with 
the  proposed  change  ?  Can  the  army  be  dis 
pensed  with  ?  Will  the  influence  of  the  monks 
be  no  longer  necessary  ?  Believe  me,  sir,  that 
the  support  which  the  government  derives 
from  both  these  sources,  will  be  more  than 
ever  requisite. 

"  But  the  most  important  inquiry  is,  the  ef 
fect  which  this  strong  government  is  to  have 
upon  the  people  themselves.     Will  it  tend  to 
15* 


186 

improve  and  elevate  their  character,  and  fit 
them  for  the  freedom  which  it  is  pretended  is 
ultimately  to  be  bestowed  upon  them  1  The 
question  has  been  answered  from  the  age  of 
Homer.  Man  does  not  learn  under  oppression 
those  noble  qualities  and  feelings  which  fit 
him  for  the  enjoyment  of  liberty.  Nor  is  des 
potism  the  proper  school  in  which  to  acquire 
the  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  republican 
government.  A  government  whose  revenues 
are  derived  from  diverting  the  very  sources  of 
wealth  from  its  subjects,  will  not  find  the 
means  of  improving  the  morals  and  enlighten 
ing  the  minds  of  the  youth,  by  supporting  sys 
tems  of  liberal  education ;  and,  if  it  could,  it 
would  not. 

'*  In  relation  to  the  effect  which  this  invest 
ment  of  power  is  to  have  upon  your  happiness 
and  your  fame,  will  the  pomp  and  glitter  of  a 
court,  and  the  flattery  of  venal  courtiers,  re 
ward  you  for  the  troubles  and  anxieties  atten 
dant  upon  the  exercise  of  sovereignty,  every 
where,  and  those  which  will  flow  from  your 
peculiar  situation  ?  Or  power,  supported  by 
the  bayonet,  for  that  willing  homage  which 
you  were  wont  to  receive  from  your  fellow-cit- 


187 

izens?  The  groans  of  a  dissatisfied  and  op 
pressed  people  will  penetrate  the  inmost  re 
cesses  of  your  palace,  and  you  will  be  tortured 
by  the  reflection,  that  you  no  longer  possess 
that  place  in  their  affections,  which  was  once 
your  pride  and  your  boast,  and  which  would 
have  been  your  solace  under  every  reverse  of 
fortune.  Unsupported  by  the  people,  your 
authority  can  be  maintained,  only,  by  the  ter 
rors  of  the  sword  and  the  scaffold.  And  have 
these  ever  been  successful  under  similar  cir 
cumstances  ?  Blood  may  smother  for  a  period, 
but  can  never  extinguish  the  fire  of  liberty, 
which  you  have  contributed  so  much  to  kindle 
in  the  bosom  of  every  Colombian. 

"  I  will  not  urge  as  an  argument  the  person 
al  dangers  to  which  you  will  be  exposed.  But 
I  will  ask  if  you  could  enjoy  life,  which  would 
be  preserved  by  the  constant  execution  of  so 
many  human  beings  —  your  countrymen,  your 
former  friends,  and  almost  your  worshippers. 
The  pangs  of  such  a  situation  will  be  made 
more  acute,  by  reflecting  on  the  hallowed  mo 
tive  of  many  of  those  who  would  aim  their 
daggers  at  your  bosorn.  That,  like  the  last 
of  the  Romans,  they  would  strike,  not  from 
hatred  to  the  man,  but  love  to  the  country. 


188 

"  From  a  knowledge  of  yourown  disposition, 
and  present  feelings,  your  Excellency  will  not 
be  willing  to  believe,  that  you  could  ever  be 
brought  to  commit  an  act  of  tyranny,  or  even 
to  execuie  justice  with  unnecessary  rigor. 
But  trust  me,  sir,  that  there  is  nothing  more 
corrupting,  nothing  more  destructive  of  the 
noblest  arid  finest  feelings  of  our  nature,  than 
the  exercise  of  unlimited  power.  The  man 
who,  in  the  beginning  of  such  a  career,  might 
shudder  at  the  idea  of  taking  away  the  life  of 
a  fellow  being,  might  soon  have  his  conscience 
so  seared  by  the  repetition  of  crime,  that  the 
agonies  of  his  murdered  victims  might  become 
music  to  his  soul,  and  the  drippings  of  his 
scaffold  afford  "  blood  enough  to  swim  in." 
History  is  full  of  such  examples. 

"  From  this  disgusting  picture,  permit  me  to 
call  the  attention  of  your  Excellency  to  one  of 
a  different  character.  Tt  exhibits  you  as  the 
constitutional  chief  magistrate  of  a  free  people. 
Giving  to  their  representatives  the  influence 
of  your  great  name  and  talents,  to  reform  the 
abuses  which,  in  a  long  reign  of  tyranny  and 
misrule,  have  fastened  upon  every  branch  of 
the  administration.  The  army,  and  its  swarm 


189 

of  officers,  reduced  within  the  limits  of  real 
usefulness,  placed  on  the  frontiers,  and  no 
longer  permitted  to  control  public  opinion, 
and  be  the  terror  of  the  peaceful  citizen.  By 
the  removal  of  this  incubus  from  the  treasury, 
and  the  establishment  of  order,  responsibility, 
and  economy,  in  the  expenditures  of  the  gov 
ernment,  it  would  soon  be  enabled  to  dispense 
with  the  odious  monopolies,  and  the  duty  of 
the  Jllcavala,  which  have  operated  with  so  ma 
lign  an  effect  upon  commerce  and  agricul 
ture,  and,  indeed,  upon  the  revenues  which 
they  were  intended  to  augment.  No  longer 
oppressed  by  these  shackles,  industry  would 
everywhere  revive ;  the  farmer  and  the  arti- 
zan,  cheered  by  the  prospect  of  ample  reward 
for  their  labor,  would  redouble  their  exertions, 
foreigners,  with  their  capital  and  skill  in  the 
arts,  would  crowd  hither  to  enjoy  the  advan 
tages  which  could  scarcely  elsewhere  be 
found  :  and  Colombia  would  soon  exhibit  the 
reality  of  the  beautiful  fiction  of  Fenelon — '  Sa- 
lentum  rising  from  misery  and  oppression,  to 
prosperity  arid  happiness,  under  the  councils 
and  direction  of  the  concealed  goddess.' 
"  What  objections  can  be  urged  against  this 


190 

course?  Can  any  one,  acquainted  with  the 
circumstances  of  the  country,  doubt  its  suc 
cess,  in  maintaining  and  restoring  tranquillity  ? 
The  people  would  certainly  not  revolt  against 
themselves ;  and  none  of  the  chiefs  who  are 
supposed  to  be  factiously  inclined,  would  think 
of  opposing  the  strength  of  the  nation,  when 
directed  by  your  talents  and  authority.  But 
it  is  said,  that  the  want  of  intelligence  amongst 
the  people  unfits  them  for  the  government. 
Is  it  not  right,  however,  that  the  experiment 
should  be  fairly  tried  ?  I  have  already  said, 
that  this  has  not  been  done.  For  myself,  1 
do  not  hesitate  to  declare  my  firm  belief,  that 
it  will  succeed.  The  people  of  Colombia  pos 
sess  many  traits  of  character,  suitable  for  a 
republican  government.  A  more  orderly,  for 
bearing,  and  well-disposed  people  are  nowhere 
to  be  met  with.  Indeed,  it  may  safely  be  as 
serted,  that  their  faults  and  vices  are  attribu 
table  to  the  cursed  government  to  which  they 
have  been  so  long  subjected,  and  to  the  intol 
erant  character  of  the  religion,  whilst  their 
virtues  are  all  their  own.  But,  admitting  their 
present  want  of  intelligence,  no  one  has  ever 
doubted  their  capacity  to  acquire  knowledge 


191 

and  under  the  strong  motives  which  exist  to 
obtain  it,  supported  by  the  influence  of  your 
Excellency,  it  would  soon  be  obtained. 

"  To  yourself,  the  advantage  would  be  as 
great  as  to  the  country  ;  like  acts  of  mercy, 
the  blessing  would  be  reciprocal ;  your  per 
sonal  happiness  secured,  and  your  fame  ele 
cted  to  a  height  which  would  leave  but  a  sin 
gle  competitor  in  the  estimation  of  posterity. 
In  bestowing  the  palm  of  merit,  the  world  has 
become  wiser  than  formerly.  The  successful 
warrior  is  no  longer  regarded  as  entitled  to  the 
first  place  in  the  temple  of  fame.  Talents  of  this 
kind  have  become  too  common,  and  too  often 
used  for  mischievous  purposes,  to  be  regarded  as 
they  once  were.  In  this  enlightened  age,  the 
mere  hero  of  the  field,  arid  the  successful  lead 
er  of  armies,  may,  for  the  moment,  attract  at 
tention.  But  it  will  be  such  as  is  bestowed 
on  the  passing  meteor,  whose  blaze  is  no  long 
er  remembered,  when  it  is  no  longer  seen. 
To  be  esteemed  eminently  great,  it  is  neces 
sary  to  be  eminently  good.  The  qualities  of 
the  hero  and  the  general  must  be  devoted 
to  the  advantage  of  mankind,  before  he  will 
be  permitted  to  assume  the  title  of  their  bene- 


J92 

factor ;  and  the  station  which  he  will  hold  in 
their  regard  and  affections  will  depend,  not 
upon  the  number  and  the  splendor  of  his  vic 
tories,  but  upon  the  results  and  the  use  he  may 
make  of  the  influence  he  acquires  from  them. 
"If  the  fame  of  our  Washington  depended 
upon  his  military  achievements,  would  the 
common  consent  of  the  world  allow  him  the 
pre-eminence  he  possesses?  The  victories  at 
Trenton,  Monmouih,  and  York,  brilliant  as 
they  were,  exhibiting,  as  they  certainly  did, 
the  highest  grade  of  military  talents,  are 
scarcely  thought  of.  The  source  of  the  vene 
ration  and  esteem  which  is  entertained  for  his 
character,  by  every  description  of  politicians ; 
the  monarchist  and  aristocrat,  as  well  as  the 
republican,  is  to  be  found  in  his  undeviating 
and  exclusive  devotedness  to  the  interest  of 
his  country.  No  selfish  consideration  was 
ever  suffered  to  intrude  itself  into  his  mind. 
For  his  country  he  conquered  ;  and  the  unri 
valled  and  increasing  prosperity  of  that  country 
is  constantly  adding  fresh  glory  to  his  name. 
General ;  the  course  which  he  pursued  is  open 
to  you,  and  it  depends  upon  yourself  to  attain 
the  eminence  he  has  reached  before  you. 


193 

"  To  the  eyes  of  military  men,  the  laurels 
you  won  on  the  fields  of  Vargas,  Bayaca, 
and  Carebobo,  will  be  forever  green ;  but 
will  that  content  you  1  Are  you  willing  that 
your  name  should  descend  to  posterity, 
amongst  the  mass  of  those  whose  fame  has 
been  derived  from  shedding  human  blood,  with 
out  a  single  advantage  to  the  human  race  1  Or, 
shall  it  be  united  to  that  of  Washington,  as 
the  founder  and  the  father  of  a  great  and 
happy  people  1  The  choice  is  before  you. 
The  friends  of  liberty  throughout  the  world, 
and  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  partic 
ular,  are  waiting  your  decision  with  intense 
anxiety.  Alexander  toiled  and  conquered  to 
attain  the  applause  of  the  Athenians ;  will 
you  regard  as  nothing  the  opinions  of  a  nation 
which  has  evinced  its  superiority  over  that 
celebrated  people,  in  the  science  most  useful 
to  man,  by  having  carried  into  actual  practice 
a  system  of  government,  of  which  the  wisest 
Athenians  had  but  a  glimpse  in  theory,  and 
considered  as  a  blessing  never  to  be  realized, 
however  ardently  to  be  desired  ?  The  place 
which  you  are  to  occupy  in  their  esteem  de 
pends  upon  yourself.  Farewell. 

"  W.  H.  HARRISON." 
16 


194 


CHAPTER     VIII. 

Employments  of  General  Harrison  since  his  recall  from 
Colombia  —  His  person  and  character  —  Is  nominated 
for  the  Presidency — His  letter  to  Harmar  Denny. 

SINCE  General  Harrison's  return  from  Co 
lombia  he  has  taken  no  active  part  in  public 
life  or  political  affairs,  but  has  lived  retired 
upon  his  farm  at  North  Bend,  on  the  Ohio, 
some  miles  below  Cincinnati.  Having  never 
been  rich,  he  was  induced  as  a  means  of  sup 
porting  that  plain  but  ample  hospitality  in 
which  he  has  ever  indulged,  to  accept  the  of 
fice  of  clerk  to  the  court  of  the  county  in 
which  he  resides,  which  office  he  still  con 
tinues  to  hold.  Those  who  acquire  splendid 
fortunes  by  speculations  on  the  public  treasu 
ry,  and  those  who  regard  as  a  mark  of  great 
ness,  an  indolent  dependence  on  the  contri 
butions  of  private  or  political  friends,  may  rid 
icule  the  man  who  secures  for  himself  comfort 
and  independence,  by  the  acceptance  of  a 
county  clerkship;  but  no  true  republican,  cer 
tainly,  will  ever  think  it  a  matter  of  reproach, 
that  after  passing  so  many  years  in  the  public 
service,  and  enjoying  so  many  opportunities 


195 

to  enrich  himself,  General  Harrison  should 
still  remain  poor  ;  and  stil!  less  will  it  be  re 
garded  as  derogatory  to  his  character,  that  he 
chooses  to  supply  the  deficiencies  of  his  for 
tune  by  the  honest  exertion  of  his  talents  and 
industry  in  a  useful  and  respectable  employ 
ment. 

But  although  General  Harrison  has  never 
suffered  a  feeling  of  false  pride  to  influence 
his  conduct,  both  in  his  public  and  in  private 
life  he  has  ever  exhibited  the  utmost  delicacy 
of  honor  in  all  his  pecuniary  transactions. 

Some  years  ago,  it  was  ascertained  that  a 
large  tract  of  land,  near  Cincinnati,  which 
had  been  sold  long  before  for  a  mere  trifle,  un 
der  an  execution  against  the  original  proprie 
tor,  could  not  be  held  under  that  sale  on  ac 
count  of  some  informality  in  the  proceedings. 
The  legal  title  was  in  General  Harrison  and 
another  gentleman  who  were  the  heirs  at  law. 
The  value  of  this  land  had  risen  greatly, 
and  was  sufficient  to  form  princely  estates  for 
these  heirs,  had  they  chosen  to  insist  upon 
their  legal  rights.  But  under  the  circumstan 
ces,  and  as  against  the  present  holders,  Gen 
eral  Harrison  did  not  think  it  just  to  insist 


196 

upon  his  legal  claim,  and  he  induced  his  co 
heir  to  join  with  him  in  executing  deeds  of 
quit-claim  to  the  land,  without  demanding  any 
other  consideration  except  a  few  hundred  dol 
lars,  being  the  difference  between  the  price 
for  which  the  land  sold  under  the  execution, 
and  its  actual  value  at  the  time  of  that  sale. 
There  were,  however,  included  in  the  tract, 
twelve  acres,  which  were  General  Harrison's 
private  property,  by  donation  from  his  father- 
in-law,  and  which  were  improperly  included 
in  the  sale  made  by  the  sheriff  under  the  ex 
ecution.  This  land  he  might  have  reclaimed 
both  legally  and  equitably  ;  but  such  was  his 
nice  feeling  of  honor,  and  scrupulous  regard 
for  the  rights  of  others,  that  he  suffered  this  to 
go  with  the  rest,  receiving  only  the  difference 
between  the  amount  for  which  this  land  sold 
and  its  actual  value  at  the  time  of  the  sale. 
These  twelve  acres  thus  relinquished  are  said 
to  be  now  worth  one  hundred  thousand  dol 
lars. 

For  his  services  as  commander  of  the  expe 
dition  to  Tippecanoe,  General  Harrison  never 
asked  nor  received  any  compensation ;  and 
the  expenses  which  he  was  obliged  to  incur 


J97 

as  commander  of  the  Northwestern  army,  so 
far  exceeded  his  pay,  that  he  found  it  neces 
sary  to  sell  a  fine  tract  of  land  in  order  to  meet 
them.  Thus,  during  those  campaigns,  he 
not  only  risked  his  life,  and  gave  the  labor  of 
his  days  and  nights  to  the  public  service,  but 
he  contributed  also  a  considerable  portion  of 
his  small  estate  to  sustain  his  country  in  that 
hour  of  peril. 

In  person,  General  Harrison  is  tall  and 
slender.  Although  he  never  had  the  appear 
ance  of  possessing  a  robust  constitution,  yet 
such  have  been  the  effects  of  habitual  activity 
and  temperance,  that  few  men  at  his  age,  en 
joy  so  much  bodily  vigor.  He  has  a  fine  dark 
eye,  remarkable  for  its  keenness,  fire,  and  in 
telligence,  and  his  face  is  strongly  expressive 
of  the  vivacity  of  his  mind,  and  the  benevo 
lence  of  his  character. 

The  most  remarkable  traits  of  General  Har 
rison,  and  those  by  which  he  has  been  distin 
guished  throughout  his  whole  career,  are  his  dis 
interestedness,  his  regard  for  the  comforts  and 
the  rights  of  others,  his  generous  disposition,  his 
mild  and  forbearing  temper,  his  plain,  easy 
and  unostentatious  manners.  Though  warm 
16* 


198 

in  his  attachments,  he  has  never  been  violent. 
or  vindictive  in  his  enmities.  In  a  long  life 
spent  on  the  utmost  frontier,  and  in  constant 
collision  with  men,  fierce,  turbulent,  and  un 
governable,  his  moderation,  and  the  reasonable 
ness  and  justice  of  his  conduct,  have  prevented 
him  from  being  involved  in  any  way  in  duels, 
or  personal  rencontres  so  common  in  those  re 
gions.  He  has  always  been  able  to  guard  his 
rights  and  sustain  his  position  without  having 
recourse  to  pistols  or  dirks.  In  the  exercise 
of  that  almost  unlimited  authority  which  was 
at  times  conferred  upon  him,  he  displayed  his 
moderation  by  conforming  himself  to  a  rigid 
observance  of  existing  statutes  and  the  rights 
of  the  citizens  ;  nor  did  he  ever  find  it  neces 
sary,  in  the  course  of  his  military  career,  to 
set  at  defiance  either  the  law  of  nations,  or  the 
civil  laws  of  the  state. 

General  Harrison  never  has  been  much 
connected  with  political  parties.  He  never 
has  become  the  favorite  leader  of  a  faction, 
upon  whom  the  most  elaborate  flatteries  are 
exhausted  by  a  body  of  devoted  partizans. 
His  services  have  not  been  services  to  a  party 
but  services  to  the  country.  He  stands  free 


199 

and  untrammelled,  ready,  and  able  to  serve 
his  country  again.  Where  can  be  found  a  man 
whose  patriotism  has  been  so  thoroughly  tried 
and  proved  —  whose  integrity,  moderation  and 
attachment  to  the  interests  of  the  people,  are 
so  unquestionable,  or  who  is  so  well  able  to 
concentrate  about  him  the  great  mass  of  hon 
est  and  intelligent  citizens,  and  with  their  aid 
and  support,  to  rescue  the  constitution,  so 
much  endangered  of  late  by  party  violence, 
and  executive  usurpation  ? 

As  General  Harrison  obtained  the  civil  and 
military  promotion  which  he  has  at  times  enjoy 
ed,  not  by  any  party  arrangements  or  system  of 
underhand  manoeuvres,  but  through  the  spon 
taneous  confidence  and  voluntary  choice  of  his 
fellow  citizens,  so  the  circumstances  under 
which  he  has  become  a  candidate  for  the  pre 
sidency  are  of  the  same  character.  The  prin 
ciples  upon  which  he  would  be  likely  to  admin 
ister  the  government,  should  he  ever  enjoy  the 
opportunity,  may  be  judged  of  from  the  fol 
lowing  letter  of  his  to  Harmar  Denny  in  re 
ply  to  a  letter  of  that  gentleman,  informing 
him  of  the  doings  of  the  antimasonic  conven 
tion  assembled  at  Philadelphia  : — 


200 

"  NORTH  BEND,  2d  Dec.,  1838. 
"  DEAR  SIR  : — As  it  is  probable  that  you  have 
by  this  time  returned  to  Pittsburg,  I  do  myself 
the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
letter  from  Philadelphia,  containing  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  national  democratic  antima- 
sonic  convention,  which  lately  convened  in 
that  city.  With  feelings  of  the  deepest  grati 
tude,  I  read  the  resolution  unanimously 
adopted,  nominating  me  as  a  candidate  for  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  This  is  the 
second  time  that  I  have  received  from  that 
patriotic  party,  of  which  you  yourself  are  a 
distinguished  member,  the  highest  evidence 
of  confidence  that  can  be  given  to  a  citizen 
of  our  Republic.  I  would  attempt  to  describe 
my  sense  of  the  obligations  I  owe  them,  if  I 
were  not  convinced  that  any  language  which 
I  could  command  would  fall  far  short  of  what 
I  really  feel.  If,  however,  the  wishes  of  the 
convention  should  be  realized,  and  if  I  should 
second  their  efforts,  1  shall  have  it  in  my  pow 
er  to  manifest  my  gratitude  in  a  manner  more 
acceptable  to  those  whom  you  represent,  than 
by  any  professions  of  it  which  I  could  at  this 
time  make ;  I  mean  by  exerting  my  utmost 


201 

efforts  to  carry  out  the  principles  set  forth  in 
their  resolutions,  by  arresting  the  progress  of 
the  measures  "  destructive  to  the  prosperity 
of  the  people,  and  tending  to  the  subversion  of 
their  liberties,"  and  substituting  for  them 
those  sound  democratic  republican  doctrines, 
upon  which  the  administration  of  Jefferson 
and  Madison  were  conducted. 

"Among  the  principles  proper  to  be  adopted 
by  any  Executive  sincerely  desirous  to  restore 
the  administration  to  its  original  simplicity  and 
purity,  I  deem  the  following  to  be  of  promi 
nent  importance. 

"  I.  To  confine  his  service  to  a  single  term. 

"II.  To  disclaim  all  right  of  control  over 
the  public  treasure,  with  the  exception  of  such 
part  of  it  as  may  be  appropriated  by  law,  to 
carry  on  the  public  services,  and  that  to  be  ap 
plied  precisely  as  the  law  may  direct,  and 
drawn  from  the  treasury  agreeably  to  the  long 
established  forms  of  that  department. 

"  III.  That  he  should  never  attempt  to  in 
fluence  the  elections,  either  by  the  people  or 
the  state  legislatures,  nor  suffer  the  federal  of 
ficers  under  his  control  to  take  any  other  part 
in  them  than  by  giving  their  own  votes  when 
they  possess  the  right  of  voting. 


202 

"  IV.  That  in  the  exercise  of  the  veto  power, 
he  should  limit  his  rejection  of  bills  to:  1st. 
Such  as  are  in  his  opinion  unconstitutional. 
2d.  Such  as  tend  to  encroach  on  the  rights  of 
the  states  or  individuals.  3rd.  Such  as  in 
volving  deep  interests,  may  in  his  opinion  re 
quire  more  mature  deliberation  or  reference 
to  the  will  of  the  people,  to  be  ascertained  at 
the  succeeding  elections. 

"  V.  That  he  should  never  suffer  the  influ 
ence  of  his  office  to  be  used  for  purposes  of  a 
purely  party  character. 

<;VI.  That  in  removals  from  office  of  those 
who  hold  their  appointments  during  the  plea 
sure  of  the  Executive,  the  cause  of  such  re 
moval  should  be  stated  if  requested,  to  the 
Senate,  at  the  time  the  nomination  of  a  suc 
cessor  is  made. 

"  And  last,  but  not  least  in  importance, 

"  VII.  That  he  should  not  suffer  the  Execu 
tive  department  of  the  government  to  become 
the  source  of  legislation  ;  but  leave  the  whole 
business  of  making  laws  for  the  Union  to 
the  department  to  which  the  Constitution 
has  exclusively  assigned  it,  until  they  have 
assumed  that  perfected  shape,  where  and 


203 

when   alone   the   opinions   of  the  Executive 
may  be  heard.     A    community   of  power  in 
the  preparation  of  the  laws  between  the  legis 
lature  and  the  Executive  departments,  must 
necessarily  lead   to  dangerous  combinations, 
greatly    to  the   advantage  of  a  president  de 
sirous  of  extending  his  power.     Such  a  con 
struction  of  the  constitution  could  never  have 
been  contemplated  by  those  who  framed  it,  as 
they  well  knew   that   those   who    propose  the 
bills,  will   always  take  care  of  themselves,  or 
the  interests  of  their  constituents,  and  hence 
the   provision    in   the   Constitution,  borrowed 
from  that  of  England,  restricting  the  origin 
ating  of  revenue  bills  to  the  immediate  repre 
sentatives  of  the  people.     So  far  from  agreeing 
in  opinion   with  the  distinguished    character 
who  lately  retired    from   the  presidency,  that 
congress  should  have  applied  to  him  for  a  pro 
ject  of  a  banking  system,  I  think  that  such  an 
application    would   have  manifested  not  only 
great  subserviency  upon  the  part  of  that  body, 
but  an  unpardonable  ignorance  of  the  chief  dan 
ger  to  be  apprehended  from  such  an  institution. 
That    danger    unquestionably   consists  in    a 
union  of  interests  between  the  executive  and 


204 

the  bank.  Would  an  ambitious  incumbent  of 
the  executive  chair  neglect  so  favorable  an  op 
portunity  as  the  preparing  of  the  law  would 
give  him,  to  insert  in  it  provisions  to  secure 
his  influence  over  it  ?  In  the  authority  given  to 
the  president  by  the  Constitution  "  to  recom 
mend  to  congress  such  measures  as  he  shall 
judge  necessary  and  expedient,"  it  was  cer 
tainly  never  intended  that  the  measures  he  re 
commended  should  be  presented  in  a  shape 
suited  for  the  immediate  decision  of  the  legis 
lature.  The  sages  who  made  the  Constitution, 
too  well  knew  the  advantages  which  the  crown 
of  England  derives  from  the  exercise  of  this 
power  by  its  ministers,  to  have  intended  it  to 
be  used  by  our  chief  magistrate,  or  the  heads 
of  departments  under  his  control.  The  boasted 
principles  of  the  English  Constitution,  that  the 
consent  of  the  democratic  branch  is  not  only 
necessary  to  receive  money  from  the  people, 
but  that  it  is  its  inviolable  prerogative  also 
to  originate  all  the  bills  for  that  purpose,  is 
true  in  theory,  but  rendered  utterly  false  and 
nugatory  in  effect,  by  the  participation  of 
the  ministers  of  the  crown  in  the  details  of 
legislation.  Indeed  the  influence  they  derive 


205 

from  sitting  as  members  of  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  and  from  wielding  the  immense  patron 
age  of  the  crown  (constitutional  or  usurped,) 
gives  them  a  power  over  that  body,  that  ren 
ders  plausible,  at  least,  the  flattery,  or  as  it  is 
more  probable,  the  intended  sarcasm  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  in  an  address  to  James  I., 
that  the  demand  of  the  sovereign  upon  the 
Commons  for  pecuniary  aid,  was  required 
only  *  that  the  tax  might  seem  to  come  from 
themselves.' 

"  Having  thus  given  you  my  opinion  of  some 
things  which  might  be  done,  and  others  which 
should  not  be  done,  by  a  President  coming 
into  power  by  the  support  of  those  of  the 
people  who  are  opposed  to  the  principles  upon 
which  the  present  administration  is  conducted, 
you  will  see  that  I  have  omitted  one,  which 
is  deemed  by  many  of  as  much  importance  as 
any  other.  I  allude  to  the  appointment  of 
members  of  Congress  to  office  by  the  Presi 
dent.  The  Constitution  contains  no  prohibi 
tion  of  such  appointments,  no  doubt  because 
its  authors  could  not  believe  in  its  necessity, 
from  the  purity  of  character  which  was  mani 
fested  by  those  who  possessed  the  confidence 
17 


206 

of  the  people  at  that  period.      It  is,  however, 
an  opinion  very  generally  entertained  by  the 
opposition  party,  that  the  country  would  have 
escaped  much  of  the   evil  under  which  it  has 
suffered  for  some  years  past,  if  the  Constitu 
tion  had  contained  a  provision    of  that  kind. 
Having  had  no  opportunity  of  personal  obser 
vation  on  the  conduct  of  the   administration 
for  the  last  ten  years,  I  am  unable  to  decide 
upon  the  truth  or  error  of  tkis  opinion.      But 
I  should  be  very  willing  that  the  known  sub 
serviency  of  the  Legislature  to  the  Executive, 
in  several  memorable  instances,  should  be  ac 
counted  for  in  a  way  somewhat  less  injurious 
to  the  character  of  the  country  and  of  republi 
canism  itself,  than  by  the  admission  that  the 
fathers  of  the  land,  the  trusted  servants  of  a 
virtuous  people,  could    be  seduced   from  the 
path  of  duty  and  honor,  by  the  paltry  trappings 
and  emoluments  of  dependent  offices.     But  if 
the  evil  really  exists,  and  if  there  be  good  rea 
son  to  believe  that  its  source  is  to  be  found  in 
the  corruptibility  of  the  members  of  the  Leg 
islature,  an  effectual  remedy  cannot  be  too 
soon  applied.    And  it  happens  in  this  instance 
that  there  is  a  choice  of  remedies.      One  of 


207 

those,  however,  is  in  my  opinion  free  from  the 
objections  which  might  be  offered  to  the  other. 
The  one  to  which  I  object  is,  that  which  the 
late  President  has  been  so  loudly  called  upon 
to  adopt,  in  consequence  of  a  promise  made 
at  the  commencement  o'f  his  administration, 
viz.  that  the  Executive  under  no  circum 
stances  should  appoint  to  office  a  member  of 
either  branch  of  the  National  Legislature. 
There  are,  in  my  mind,  several  weighty  rea 
sons  against  the  adoption  of  this  principle.  I 
will  detain  you  with  the  mention  of  but  two  of 
them,  because  I  believe  that  you  will  agree 
with  me,  that  the  alternative  I  shall  present, 
while  it  would  be  equally  effectual,  contains 
no  feature  to  which  a  reasonable  objec.tion 
could  be  made. 

"  As  the  Constitution  contains  no  provision 
to  prevent  the  appointment  of  Members  of 
Congress  to  office  by  the  Executive,  could  the 
Executive  with  a  due  regard  to  delicacy  and 
justice,  without  usurping  power  from  the  peo 
ple,  declare  a  disqualification  which  they  had 
not  thought  necessary  ?  And  where  is  the 
American  citizen  who  regards  the  honor  of 
his  country,  the  character  of  its  people,  or  who 


208 

believes  in  the  superiority  of  a  republican  form 
of  government,  who  would  be  willing  to  pro 
claim  to  the  world,  that  the  youthful  nation 
which  has  attracted  so  much  of  its  attention, 
which  it  has  so  much  admired  for  its  gigantic 
strength,  its  undaunted  courage,  its  high  at 
tainments  in  literature  and  the  arts,  and  the 
external  beauty  of  its  institutions,  was^ within 
a  mass  of  meanness  and  corruption  ?  That 
even  the  chosen  servants  of  the  people,  were 
ever  ready  for  a  paltry  consideration,  to  aban 
don  their  allegiance  to  their  lawful  sovereigns, 
and  to  become  the  servants  of  a  servant.  The 
alternative  to  this  degrading  course,  is  to  be 
found  in  depriving  the  Executive  of  all  motive 
for  acquiring  an  improper  influence  over  the 
Legislature. 

£t  To  effect  this,  nothing  in  my  opinion  is 
necessary  but  to  re-establish  the  principles 
upon  which  the  administration  was  once  con 
ducted,  with  a  single  addition  of  limiting  the 
service  of  the  president  to  one  term.  A  con 
densed  enumeration  of  what  I  conceive  these 
principles  to  have  been,  is  given  above.  And 
I  think  no  one  can  doubt,  that,  if  faithfully 
carried  out,  they  would  be  effectual  in  secur- 


209 

ing  the  independence  of  the  Legislature,  and 
confining  the  connection  between  it  and  the 
Executive,  to  that  alone  which  is  warranted 
by  a  fair  construction  of  the  Constitution.  I 
can  conceive  of  but  two  motives  which  could 
induce  a  President  of  the  United  States  to  en 
deavor  to  procure  a  controlling  influence  over 
the  Legislative  body,  viz. — to  perpetuate  his 
power,  by  passing  laws  to  increase  his  patron 
age — or  to  gratify  his  vanity,  by  obtaining  their 
sanction  to  his  schemes  and  projects  for  the 
government  of  the  country  ;  and  thus  assimi 
lating  his  situation  to  that  of  the  limited  mon- 
archs  of  Europe.  The  principles  above  sug 
gested,  would  effectually  destroy  any  disposi 
tion  of  the  person  elected  by  the  combined 
votes  of  the  opposition,  to  place  himself  in 
either  attitude.  Retiring  at  the  end  of  four 
years  to  private  life,  with  no  wish  or  prospect 
of  any  "son  of  his  succeeding,"  legitimate  or 
adopted,  he  would  leave  the  government  as 
prosperous  and  pure  in  its  administration,  as 
when  it  passed  from  the  hands  of  the  great 
"  Apostle  of  Democracy,"  to  the  Father  of  our 
Constitution. 

"  To  the  duties  which  I  have  enumerated,  so 


210 

proper  in  my  opinion  to  be  performed  by  a 
President,  elected  by  the  opposition  to  the 
present  administration,  (and  which  are,  as  I 
believe,  of  constitutional  obligation,)  I  will 
add  another  which  I  believe  also  to  be  of 
much  importance.  I  mean  the  observance  of 
the  most  conciliatory  course  of  conduct  to 
wards  our  political  opponents.  After  the  cen 
sure  which  our  friends  have  so  freely  and  so 
justly  bestowed  upon  the  present  Chief  Mag 
istrate,  for  having,  in  no  inconsiderable  de 
gree,  disfranchised  the  whole  body  of  his  po 
litical  opponents,  I  am  certain  that  no  oppo 
sitionists,  true  to  the  principles  he  professes, 
would  approve  a  similar  course  of  conduct  in 
the  person  whom  his  vote  has  contributed  to 
elect.  In  a  Republic,  one  of  the  surest  tests 
of  a  healthy  state  of  its  institutions,  is  to  be 
found  in  the  immunity  with  which  every  citi 
zen  may,  upon  all  occasions,  express  his  politi 
cal  opinions  and  even  his  prejudices,  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duty  as  an  elector. 

"  The  question  may  perhaps  be  asked  of  me, 
what  security  I  have  in  my  power  to  offer,  if 
the  majority  of  the  American  people  should 
select  me  for  their  Chief  Magistrate,  that  I 


211 

would  adopt  the  principles  which  I  have 
herein  laid  down  as  those  upon  which  my 
administration  would  be  conducted,  I  could 
only  answer,  by  referring  to  my  conduct,  and 
the  disposition  manifested  in  the  discharge  of 
the  duties  of  several  important  offices,  which 
have  heretofore  been  conferred  upon  me.  If 
the  power  placed  in  my  hands  has,  on  even  a 
single  occasion,  been  used  for  any  purpose 
other  than  that  for  which  it  was  given,  or  re 
tained  longer  than  was  necessary  to  accom 
plish  the  objects  designated  by  those  from 
whom  the  trusts  were  received,  I  will  acknow 
ledge  that  either  will  constitute  a  sufficient 
reason  for  discrediting  any  promise  I  may 
make,  under  the  circumstances  in  which  I  am 
now  placed. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  truly  yours, 

"  W.  H.  HARRISON. 
•*  To  the  Hon.  HARMAR  DENNY/ 


. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

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on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
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IN  STACKS 


1968 


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